IRI:
http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl
Current version:
2010/05/30 created <br/> 2010/06/10-2010/06/25 discussion on the mocky mailing list and corresponding updates<br/> 2010/07/22 removed deprecated classes and properties<br/> 2010/07/29 added examples (using enrich-mte-owl-with-examples.sh)<br/> Christian Chiarcos, chiarcos@uni-potsdam.de
Other visualisation:
Ontology source

Abstract

OLiA annotation model for the morphosyntactic specifications of MULTEXT-East v. 4. (Erjavec 2010). Unless marked otherwise, all comments refer to this document.<br/> Additionally, Qasemizadeh & Rahimi (2006), Dimitrova et al. (2009) and Derzhanski & Kotsyba (2009) were consulted for clarification. Email communication with Tomaž Erjavec, Serge Sharoff, Dan Tufis, Ivan A. Derzhanski, Natalia Kosyba, Csaba Oravecz and Hamidreza Kobdani represents the third source of information consulted for this ontology.<br/> References:<br/> Ivan Derzhanski, Natalia Kotsyba (2009), Towards a Consistent Morphological Tagset for Slavic Languages: Extending MULTEXT-East for Polish, Ukrainian and Belarusian, In: Proc. MONDILEX Third Open Workshop Bratislava, Slovakia, 15–16 April, 2009, p. 9-26<br/> Ludmila Dimitrova, Radovan Garabík, Daniela Majchráková (2009), Comparing Bulgarian and Slovak Multext-East morphology tagset, In: Proceedings of MONDILEX Second Open Workshop, Kyiv, Ukraine, 2–4 February, 2009, p. 38-46<br/> Tomaž Erjavec (ed., 2010), MULTEXT-East Morphosyntactic Specifications Version 4. 2010-05-12, http://nl.ijs.si/ME/V4/msd/html/index.html<br/> Behrang Qasemizadeh and Saeed Rahimi (2006), Persian in MULTEXT-East Framework, in T. Salakoski et al. (eds.): FinTAL 2006, LNAI 4139, pp. 541 – 551, 2006.

Table of Content

  1. Classes
  2. Object Properties
  3. Annotation Properties
  4. Namespace Declarations

Classes

abbreviationc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Abbreviation

e.g., АЕС АЗС АНДР АПК АСЕАН АТ АТП АТР АТС БРСР ВДНГ ВІЛ ВЛКСМ ВМС ВМСУ ВПК ВПС ВР ВУАН ВУЦВК (uk)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
(has caseop max 1) and (has definitenessop max 1) and (has genderop max 1) and (has numberop max 1) and (has syntactic typeop max 1)

abessive casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AbessiveCase

Case="abessive" (Estonian)
has super-classes
casec

ablative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AblativeCase

Case="ablative" (Estonian, Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

accusative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AccusativeCase

e.g., blishgnaha/blïžnji, Bohouv/böguw, Bohove/böguw, božjega/böžji, cach/kak, Christusa/krïštuš, coga/du, Coj/koj, colina/kolënu (sl-rozaj)
has super-classes
casec

active voicec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ActiveVoice

Voice="active"<br/> Macedonian has two types of (adjectival) participles exist: active and passive. Active corresponds to Macedonian L-form and passive to verbal adjective, neuter gender, singular. For example, nosel is encoded as VForm=Participle, Voice=Active, nosen as VForm=participle, Voice=Passive.
has super-classes
voicec

adessive casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AdessiveCase

Case="adessive" (Estonian, Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

aditive casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AditiveCase

Case="aditive" (Estonian)
has super-classes
casec

adjectivalc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Adjectival

Pronoun/Syntactic_Type="adjectival" (Slavic), Abbreviation/Syntactic_Type="adjectival"<br/> Pronouns can be distinguished between having a (syntactically) nominal and (syntactically) adjectival function. All pronominal types except the demonstrative and possessive one can be nominal, and all except for the personal one can be adjectival.
has super-classes
syntactic typec
has sub-classes
attributive pronounc

adjectival adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AdjectivalAdverb

Type="adjectival" (Serbian, Macedonian, Bulgarian)<br/> Bulgarian AdjectivalAdverbs have the same form as adjectives in Gender = neuter, Person = 3, Number = singular.
has super-classes
adverbc

adjectivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Adjective

Ukrainian adjectival participles are grouped with adjectives and are characterized by voice, quasi-tense and aspect.<br/> Slovak adjectival nouns (gazdiná, hostinský) are classified as nouns. Sometimes the distinction between a noun and an adjective is not as clear as we want (obchodný cestujúci).<br/> Slovak negative adjectives have negative lemma and negativeness is not marked otherwise.<br/> Macedonian and Slovak negative adjectives are product of derivation, thus they belong to other types.<br/> Macedonian adverbs like mnogu, malku, nekolku are also considered adjectives in cases they are used before nouns. The adverbs that come sometimes before nouns (mnogu, malku, nekolku) can have definiteness in their inflectional paradigm. That is why these adverbs are considered as adjectives as well.<br/> In the modern Resian 'swöj' / own is an adjective, not a pronoun.
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
(has adjective formationop max 1) and (has animacyop max 1) and (has caseop max 1) and (has cliticop max 1) and (has definitenessop max 1) and (has degreeop max 1) and (has genderop max 1) and (has numberop max 1)
(has aspectop max 1) and (has humannessop max 1) and (has negationop max 1) and (has owned numberop max 1) and (has owner numberop max 1) and (has owner personop max 1) and (has tenseop max 1) and (has voiceop max 1)
has sub-classes
general adjectivec, indefinite adjectivec, participlec, possessive adjectivec
is in domain of
has adjective formationop

adjective formationc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AdjectiveFormation

Adjective with feature "Formation"<br/> The Formation attribute distinguishes a nominal (short) form from a so-called compound (long) form of an Adjective in Czech. The nominal form can be used in the predicative function only. It is specified for nominative and accusative Case only.
has super-classes
formationc
has sub-classes
compound adjectivec, nominal adjectivec
is in range of
has adjective formationop

adpositionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Adposition

Persian: Farsi has several prepositions but there is only one postposition '‫( 'را‬râ). It is an overt marker for direct object. (Qasemizadeh and Saeed Rahimi 2006)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
(has adposition formationop max 1) and (has caseop max 1) and (has cliticop max 1)
has sub-classes
postpositionc, prepositionc
is in domain of
has adposition formationop

adposition formationc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AdpositionFormation

Adposition/Formation Czech: A preposition can be contracted with a pronoun; such a preposition has Formation=c(ompound).
has super-classes
formationc
has sub-classes
compound adpositionc, simple adpositionc
is in range of
has adposition formationop

adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Adverb

Polish: Post-prepositional adjectives like (po) polsku are treated as adverbs.<br/> Macedonian: Adverbs like mnogu, malku, nekolku are also considered adjectives, in cases they are used before nouns. The adverbs that come sometimes before nouns (mnogu, malku, nekolku) can have definiteness in their inflectional paradigm. That is why these adverbs are considered as adjectives as well.<br/> Slovak: Particles form a separate part of speech category (see below) as is customary in Slovak grammars.
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
(has caseop max 1) and (has cliticop max 1) and (has degreeop max 1) and (has numberop max 1) and (has personop max 1) and (has w h typeop max 1)
has sub-classes
adjectival adverbc, causal adverbc, general adverbc, interrogative or relative adverbc, modifier adverbc, negative adverbc, participle adverbc, particle adverbc, portmanteau adverbc, specifier adverbc, verbal adverbc

adverbialc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Adverbial

Pronoun/Syntactic_Type="adverbial" (Polish, Serbian, Russian, Ukrainian), Abbreviation/Syntactic_Type="adverbial"
has super-classes
syntactic typec

affirmative particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AffirmativeParticle

Particle/Type="affirmative"
has super-classes
particlec

agglutinant cliticc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AgglutinantClitic

Clitic="agglutinant" (Verb, Pronoun: Polish)<br/> Polish: The agglutination phenomenon in Polish is similar to Czech clitic_s for pronouns, but has a wider scope and can be found in more parts of speech. It is encoded as a more general "Clitic(y/n/a/d)" attribute and is specified, e.g., for the indicative VForm with Tense=pa(s)t, corresponding to "praet" flexeme in the IPIC to differentiate between forms like gniótł (clitic="n") and gniotł- (clitic="d"), where the latter not only demands a clitic but also has different form. The value "(a)gglutinant" indicates the clitic itself, e.g., -em in gniotłem. Values "y" and "n" are left to enable showing that a graphical word, i.e., delimited by white spaces, is a combination of a (d)emanding (or free) segment and an (a)gglutinant in case the word segmentation should be revised in the future. Prepositionality is encoded as Clitic with values "y(es)" for nią, niego etc., "n(o)" for ją, go etc., "a(gglutinant)" for -ń. Cf. the Clitic value "bound" for Slovene pronouns like zate which refers to the whole cluster, formally a combination of a preposition and a pronoun. This coding can be used for similar phenomena in Polish, e.g dlań (for him), given the word segmentation is revised towards a more trraditional one.
has super-classes
clitic elementc

allative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AllativeCase

Case="allative" (Estonian, Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

ambiguous cliticnessc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AmbiguousCliticness

Current version:
MTE feature values that fall in more than one of the devised classes. I suggest to distangle such ambiguities in forthcoming versions of Multext/East. (Ch. Chiarcos)
has super-classes
cliticnessc
has sub-classes
bound cliticc, cliticc, no cliticc

ambiguous definiteness featurec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AmbiguousDefinitenessFeature

has super-classes
definitenessc
has sub-classes
definitec, full articlec, indefinitec, short articlec

ambivalent aspectc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AmbivalentAspect

Aspect="ambivalent" (Verb: Slovak)
has super-classes
aspectc

animacyc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Animacy

has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
animatec, inanimatec
is in range of
has animacyop

animatec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Animate

Animate="yes" (Slavic Noun/Pronoun http://nl.ijs.si/ME/V4/msd/html/msd.N.html; Czech verb)<br/> Ukrainian: The feature "Animate" is used to differentiate between two accusative masculine forms.<br/> Resian: Animacy can also be marked on neuter singular accusative Nouns. The feminine declension masculine noun has only one Ncmsa, that is marked as animate: oćo / father is Ncmsa--y.<br/> Slovak distinguishes masculine animate (Animate=yes above) and masculine inanimate (Animate=no) Gender. Masculine inanimate nouns always have the same form in the nominative and accusative case, whereas masculine animate nouns have predominantly the same form in the genitive and accusative case. Masculine animate nouns and masculine inanimate nouns differ in accusative singular, nominative (vocative) and accusative plural only.
has super-classes
animacyc

aorist tensec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AoristTense

Tense="aorist"<br/> In Bulgarian, there is a language specific Tense=aorist(a) value for the Tense attribute. Past perfect tense “aorist” expresses a past action (event) carried out or completed in a given moment or during a given period and finished before the state of speaking. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)<br/> Resian: The aorist is encountered sporadically in historical texts only. (MTE v4)
has super-classes
tensec

approximate numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ApproximateNumeral

Current version:
Form="approx" (Bulgarian MTE)
Bulgarian has an additional ... Form=approx(a), used for approximate numerals (десетина /about a ten/, стотина /about a hundred/) (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
approximate numeralc
morphological form of numeralc
has sub-classes
approximate numeralc

articlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Article

Determiner/Type="article" (Persian), Article (Romanian, Resian, Hungarian)<br/> Note that for English, Definite and indefinite articles represented as values of "Determiner/Type"<br/> Note that Determiner/Type="article" means that the token is in the intersection between Article and Determiner. Article and determiner are independent top-level concepts that may, however, overlap for some languages: "For Romanian, the distribition of articles is fixed, while for determiners is not. Also, the determiners are Person marked while the articles are not." (Dan Tufis, email 2010/06/09)<br/> Persian: There are different types of determiners namely demonstrative, indefinite, interrogative, exclamative, and article. As defined here, there is just one article in Farsi; i.e, '‫( 'ﻳﮏ‬yek). It is homonym with ‘‫ ’ﻳﮏ‬which is a number. (Qasemizadeh and Rahimi 2006)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
(has animacyop max 1) and (has caseop max 1) and (has cliticop max 1) and (has genderop max 1) and (has numberop max 1)
has sub-classes
definite articlec, demonstrative articlec, indefinite articlec, possessive articlec

aspectc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Aspect

Macedonian: In cases where a lemma (and its wordforms) can be both progressive and perfective, Aspects is given the value ?-?, in order to avoid excessive ambiguity in the lexicon.
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
ambivalent aspectc, biaspectualc, perfective aspectc, progressive aspectc
is in range of
has aspectop

aspect particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AspectParticle

Particle/Type="aspect" (Romanian)
has super-classes
verbal particlec

attributive pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AttributivePronoun

Pronoun/Referent_Type="attributive" (Bulgarian)
has super-classes
adjectivalc
pronounc

auxiliary verbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#AuxiliaryVerb

Type="auxiliary"<br/> Czech: Auxiliary verbs (Type=a) include neither the verb "být" (see above), nor the modal verbs. Slovak: Auxiliary verbs (Type=a) include neither the verb "byť" (see above), nor the modal verbs, and are limited to "mať" (MTE v4)<br/> Resian: Verbs that can be of more than one Type are tagged according to their actual function, eg. byt / to be can be main, copula or auxiliary. (MTE v4)<br/> Macedonian: We distinguish three types of verbs: main, auxiliary and modal. The word bi is considered as particle, rather than verb copula. (MTE v4)<br/> Persian: Future tense is made by the help of Auxiliary verbs. In order to make progressive form in Farsi, verbs are inflected with the prefix '‫( 'ﻣﯽ‬mī). Perfective forms of verbs are usually made using auxiliary verbs '… ‫( 'ام، اﺳﺖ‬am, ast, …). Passive form of the verbs in Farsi are made by the help of Auxiliary verbs. Passive form of the verb is made of Past Participle + Auxiliary verb '‫( 'ﺷﺪن‬šodan). (Qasemizadeh and Rahimi 2006)<br/>
has super-classes
verbc

base verbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#BaseVerb

Type="base" (English)
has super-classes
verbc

biaspectualc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Biaspectual

Aspect="biaspectual" (Verb: Slovene, Russian, Ukranian; Adjective: Ukrainian)
has super-classes
aspectc

both numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#BothNumeral

Current version:
no examples in the msd index. As it contrasts with "roman", "digit" and "letter", I can only assume that "both" means a combination of digit (or roman) and letter representation. Classified here as such.
Form="both" (Romanian)
has super-classes
orthographical representation of numeralc

bound cliticc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#BoundClitic

Clitic="bound" (Slovene and Resian pronoun)<br/> Clitic="bound" appears in Slovene and indicates in fact the whole cluster, e.g. "zame, pome", a combination of a preposition and a pronoun. So, ontologically, "bound" is rather ElementWith Clitic for Slovene. (Natalia Kotsyba, email 2010/06/21)<br/> In Resian, however, "bound" seems to be a CliticElement. At least, the Resian MSD index lists for nas/mï both Clitic=bound (Pp1-pa--b-n) and Clitic=no (Pp1-pa--n-n). This is really a problem, because the only proper generalization over both uses would be to specify it as being ambiguous between CliticElement (for Resian) and ElementWithClitic (for Slovene).
has super-classes
ambiguous cliticnessc
clitic elementc or element with cliticc

cardinal numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CardinalNumeral

Bulgarian/Slovak: Cardinal numerals signify a numerical (quantitative) property of objects: jeden dom, dve ženy, tri knihy; един дом, две жени, три книги /one home, two women, three books/. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)<br/> Romanian: Traditional Romanian grammars usually distinguish seven numeral types, where five of them have specific forms and the other two are obtained by composition. The first group is made up by the following numeral types: cardinal (trei-three), ordinal (al treilea-the third), fractional (treime-one third), multiple (întreit-trine), collective (amândoi-both). The second group contains the numeral types which are composed by means of other parts of speech: distributive (câte trei-...each three...), adverbial (de trei ori-thrice) and again the collective numeral which also has compound forms (toţi trei-all three). Nonetheless, as the numerals of the second group have a weak syntactic cohesion, namely each composition element may be regarded as an element of the sentence, with its own grammatical function, these last numeral types are irrelevant for the morphosyntactic annotation. (MTE v4)
has super-classes
numeralc

casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Case

feature of Noun (http://nl.ijs.si/ME/V4/msd/html/msd.N.html) and Verb (Russian and Estonian, http://nl.ijs.si/ME/V4/msd/html/msd.V.html)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
abessive casec, ablative casec, accusative casec, adessive casec, aditive casec, allative casec, causalis casec, comitative casec, dative casec, delative casec, direct casec, distributive casec, elative casec, essive casec, essive formal casec, factive casec, formal casec, genitive casec, illative casec, inessive casec, instrumental casec, locative casec, multiplicative casec, nominative casec, oblique casec, partitive casec, prepositional casec, sociative casec, sublative casec, superessive casec, temporalis casec, terminative casec, translative casec, vocative casec
is in range of
has caseop, has sub caseop

causal adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CausalAdverb

Type="causal" (Hungarian)
has super-classes
adverbc

causalis casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CausalisCase

Case="causalis" (Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

cliticc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Clitic

Current version:
Seems to be CliticElement in Slovak and Polish, but ElementWithClitic in Hungarian and Romanian.
Clitic="yes" (Noun/Adjective: Romanian; Verb: Romanian, Polish, Serbian, Persian)<br/> Slovak Pronoun: Type=reflexive ecompasses all reflexive pronouns (sa, sebe, si, svoj, seba) as well as "sa" in its role as the obligatory particle of reflexive verbs. Personal and possessive reflexives are further distinguished via the Referent_Type attribute. "sa" in all its roles will be marked as the reflexive personal clitic pronoun. The Clitic attribute distinguishes clitical vs. nonclitical pronominal forms, e.g. "ti" vs. "tebe".<br/> Polish Pronoun: Prepositionality is encoded as Clitic with values "y(es)" for nią, niego etc., "n(o)" for ją, go etc., "a(gglutinant)" for -ń. Cf. the Clitic value "bound" for Slovene pronouns like zate which refers to the whole cluster, formally a combination of a preposition and a pronoun. This coding can be used for similar phenomena in Polish, e.g dlań (for him), given the word segmentation is revised towards a more trraditional one.<br/> Hungarian Adverb: The modifier -e question word (the only Hungarian clitic) is attached to the preceding word with a hyphen.<br/> Romanian Verb, Noun, Adjective: The cliticization phenomenon in Romanian is not restricted to verb-pronoun relationship, but may also be observed with the (main) verb and the auxiliary, the noun or adjective with pronoun, with noun or adjective with copula, pronoun with auxiliary, preposition with (indefinite) article, numeral or (indefinite) pronoun, negative adverb with verb, auxiliary or pronoun, and some others (mainly created through the contracted forms of the verb "a fi"-to be). We restrict ourselves to considering only the graphically marked clicitizations. In such cases, the two, three or (sometimes) four constituents of a cliticized word-form are always separated by a hyphen. Omitting the hyphen in such cases is an unacceptable error in written Romanian.<br/> Romanian Article: Note that the definite article has only enclitic forms, except for one proclitical form (lui + proper noun: lui Ion). The inflected forms of the foreign-origin words (mainly nouns) not fully assimilated, are usually written with a hyphen between the base-form and the inflectional ending. In our encoding, we classified these endings (which are supposed to be split by the segmenter) as clitic articles (clitic attribute is always "y") which can be either definite (type=f, "-istul") or indefinite (type=i, "ist") and are characterised by gender (gender=m, "ist"; gender=f, "istă"), number (number=s, "ist"; number=p, "işti") and case (case=r, "istul"; case=o, "istului").
has super-classes
ambiguous cliticnessc
clitic elementc or element with cliticc

clitic definite determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CliticDefiniteDeterminer

has super-classes
clitic determiner typec
has sub-classes
clitic distal determinerc, clitic proximal determinerc

clitic determiner typec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CliticDeterminerType

Current version:
Bulgarian, Macedonian and Romanian employ a postfixed article (cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Macedonian_grammar)<br/> Etymologically speaking, CliticDeterminerType and ReductionFeature are the same: the ending of the full form was originally a cliticised demonstrative pronoun (just like the article in Bg or Ro), and the semantic distinction was [+/- definite], but it has shifted to [attributive:predicative] or some such on some occasions. However, keeping them together wouldn't be correct: Bulgarian has preserved (to a limited extent) the old long form, and has a fourfold opposition of, say, _nov : novi : novija : novijat_, the first two members of which have counterparts in several Slavic languages (although the functions differ), while the second two are restricted to the Balkan sprachbund. I'd call them [-article short], [-article full], [+article short] and [+article full] respectively. (Ivan A. Derzhanski, emails 2010/06/18)<br/>
has super-classes
definitenessc
has sub-classes
clitic definite determinerc, clitic indefinite determinerc, clitic specific determinerc, clitic unspecific determinerc

clitic distal determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CliticDistalDeterminer

Definiteness="distal" (Noun/Adjective/Pronoun: Macedonian) For Macedonian, the definiteness attributes can take the values: non definite (no), generally definite (yes), definite at short visible distance (proximal), and definite at longer visible distance (distal).<br/> Bulgarian: For singular masculine, there are two forms: a full article(f)[l.s.] and a short article(s)[l.s.]. The full article is used when a singular masculine form is the syntactic subject of the clause, otherwise a short one is used – a purely orthographic rule. The distinction of full vs. short is not made for feminine, neuter and plural forms, and we use just the yes(y) or no(n) to mark definiteness or respectively lack thereof. Therefore, the definiteness attribute can take overall 4 different values: indefinite(n), definitive(y), short article(s), full article(f) жени, жените /women, the women/ (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
clitic definite determinerc

clitic elementc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CliticElement

Current version:
Introduced to annotations that mark an element as *being* a clitic, and to distinguish them from elements that merely *cointain* clitic elements (i.e., that are composed of nonclitics and clitics).
has super-classes
cliticnessc
has sub-classes
agglutinant cliticc

clitic indefinite determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CliticIndefiniteDeterminer

has super-classes
clitic determiner typec

clitic proximal determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CliticProximalDeterminer

Definiteness="proximal" (Noun/Adjective/Pronoun Macedonian) For Macedonian, the definiteness attributes can take the values: non definite (no), generally definite (yes), definite at short visible distance (proximal), and definite at longer visible distance (distal).
has super-classes
clitic definite determinerc

clitic specific determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CliticSpecificDeterminer

Persian does have an article, but it marks specificity rather than definiteness. The Persian article is similar to the Balkan one (a clitic of pronominal origin that's written together with the word), except that it isn't exactly definite (you can even see it described as an indefinite article). (Ivan A. Derzhanski, emails 2010/06/18)
has super-classes
clitic determiner typec

clitic unspecific determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CliticUnspecificDeterminer

Persian does have an article, but it marks specificity rather than definiteness. The Persian article is similar to the Balkan one (a clitic of pronominal origin that's written together with the word), except that it isn't exactly definite (you can even see it described as an indefinite article). (Ivan A. Derzhanski, emails 2010/06/18)
has super-classes
clitic determiner typec

cliticnessc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Cliticness

Current version:
Cliticness (attribute Clitic) conflates three different aspects:<br/> (a) whether an element *is* a clitic, (b) whether an element *contains* a clitic, and (c) whether an element *should contain* a clitic, that is, however, represented as a separate token.<br/> The subclassification makes this explicit: (a) CliticElement, NoncliticElement (Clitic="bound", Clitic="agglutinant") (b) ElementWithClitic, ElementWithoutClitic (Clitic_s="yes", Clitic_s="no") (c) ElementDemanticClitic (Clitic="demanding")<br/> Further, a subconcept Collocation is introduced to account for Polish "Burkinostka"s (Clitic="burkinostka") with a language-independent term. Expressions that occur only in a fixed context are superficially similar to white-space separated Clitics, but no Clitics, of course.<br/> Clitic="yes" and Clitic="no" are ambiguous (ElementWithClitic or CliticElement; ElementWithoutClitic or NoncliticElement) and represented as NonClitic and Clitic as sunconcepts of AmbiguousCliticness.
feature "Clitic"<br/> It may be possible that the attribute Clitic means either "hasClitic" (if applied to Noun) or "isClitic" (if applied to Article): This is similar to Case, which on Adpositions means "requiresCase" rathen than hasCase. Definitely something to think about; is it better to be formally correct or have small set of attributes? (Tomaz Erjavec, email 2010/06/09)<br/> [Romanian] Clitic feature denotes: 1) a character ellision: i-am dat = îi am dat (î is deleted) - I gave him 2) insertion: ducându-mă = ducând+U+mă (U is inserted +for phonological reasons) - carrying myself 3) or both: mâncându-l = mâncând+U+_e_l (U is inserted and e is deleted) - eating it 4) "fast speaking" that is pronuntiation of two words as if a single word: maică-mea - my mother it is interesting to note that in "normal speaking" this would be "maica mea" where the word "maica" is in definite form while in the previous form was in indefinite form (notice the final &abreve;) It is always signaled by a hyphen between the content word and the functional word that are cliticized. (Dan Tufis, email 2010/06/09)<br/> Polish Pronoun: Prepositionality is encoded as Clitic with values "y(es)" for nią, niego etc., "n(o)" for ją, go etc., "a(gglutinant)" for -ń. Cf. the Clitic value "bound" for Slovene pronouns like zate which refers to the whole cluster, formally a combination of a preposition and a pronoun. This coding can be used for similar phenomena in Polish, e.g dlań (for him), given the word segmentation is revised towards a more trraditional one. (MTE, v4.0)<br/> Czech Pronoun: The Clitic attribute distinguishes clitical vs. nonclitical pronominal forms, e.g. "ti" vs. "tobě". (MTE, v4.0)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
ambiguous cliticnessc, clitic elementc, collocationc, element with cliticc, element without cliticc, nonclitic elementc
is in range of
has cliticop

collectivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Collective

Current version:
... after great fights we got rid of collective for most langauges, but not Resian, alas. (Tomaz Erjavec, email 2010/06/09)<br/> Collective plural has been removed for the sake of compatibility with other Slavic languages. It is considered as derivation, thus collective plurals are separate entries in the dictionary. (Macedonian MTE)
Collective plurals are usually considered as derivation rather than an inflection, but modelled as a number feature in the MTE schema of Resian (Slovene dialect in Italy).
has super-classes
morphological derivationc

collective numberc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CollectiveNumber

Current version:
... after great fights we got rid of collective for most langauges, but not Resian, alas. (Tomaz Erjavec, email 2010/06/09)<br/> Collective plural has been removed for the sake of compatibility with other Slavic languages. It is considered as derivation, thus collective plurals are separate entries in the dictionary. (Macedonian MTE)
Collective plurals, though usually considered as derivation rather than an inflection, are modelled as a number feature in the MTE schema of Resian (Slovene dialect in Italy).
has super-classes
numberc

collective numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CollectiveNumeral

Numeral/Type="collect"<br/> Romanian: Traditional Romanian grammars usually distinguish seven numeral types, where five of them have specific forms and the other two are obtained by composition. The first group is made up by the following numeral types: cardinal (trei-three), ordinal (al treilea-the third), fractional (treime-one third), multiple (întreit-trine), collective (amândoi-both). The second group contains the numeral types which are composed by means of other parts of speech: distributive (câte trei-...each three...), adverbial (de trei ori-thrice) and again the collective numeral which also has compound forms (toţi trei-all three). Nonetheless, as the numerals of the second group have a weak syntactic cohesion, namely each composition element may be regarded as an element of the sentence, with its own grammatical function, these last numeral types are irrelevant for the morphosyntactic annotation.
has super-classes
numeralc

collocationc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Collocation

Current version:
"Burkinostka" is certainly not a clitic, but grouped together with cliticization phenomena in analogy with clitics that are represented as separate tokens. A more general term would be "collocation", or, more precisely, "element that occurs only as a component of a particular collocation".
has super-classes
cliticnessc
has sub-classes
part of fixed expressionc

comitative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ComitativeCase

Current version:
"komitative" was just a typo in the original Estonian MTE, "comitative" is right.
Case="komitative" (Estonian)
has super-classes
casec

common genderc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CommonGender

http://nl.ijs.si/ME/V4/msd/html/msd.N.html (Nouns in Russian and Ukranian)<br/> Russian: Gender=common is used for words such as судья, коллега, чукча, саша, убийца, etc. Ukrainian: The Gender value "common" is assigned to nouns that can combine with adjectives in either feminine or masculine,e.g. сирота or either neutral or masculine gender, e.g. Самоа.
has super-classes
genderc

common nounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CommonNoun

Type=Common
has super-classes
nounc

comparative degreec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ComparativeDegree

e.g., působivějšími/působivý, rytířštějšími/rytířský, těžšími/těžký, vyššímu/vysoký, zajímavějšímu/zajímavý, závažnějšímu/závažný (cs)
has super-classes
degreec

comparative particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ComparativeParticle

Type="comparative" (Bulgarian)<br/> Bulgarian: Type=comparative(c) is for particles used to create comparatives or superlatives (по, най) – Slovak comparatives are formed through a morphology suffix, naj- is written together with superlatives. (this could be considered just a difference in orthography). (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
particlec

compound adjectivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CompoundAdjective

Formation="compound" (Czech)
has super-classes
adjective formationc

compound adpositionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CompoundAdposition

Adposition/Formation="compound"<br/> Resian: Compound prepositions, like ta-na / in, at are tagged as such.<br/> Romanian: In Romanian there is a distinct class of compound prepositions. Each of them forms a formal and semantic unit, although graphically they stay unfused, e.g. de la, pe la, de pe, etc.<br/> Slovak: A preposition can be contracted with a pronoun; such a preposition has Formation=c(ompound).
has super-classes
adposition formationc

compound conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CompoundConjunction

Conjunction/Formation="compound"<br/> Resian: Compound conjunctions, like za wojo ki / because are tagged as such.<br/> Romanian: As with prepositions, we can distinguish two kinds of conjunctions in Romanian: (1) simple conjunctions: e.g. şi,dar,deşi etc. (2) conjunctions formed periphrastically, with some word/phrase combined by a conjunction: din moment ce, fără să, fat,ă de cum etc.
has super-classes
conjunction formationc

compound interjectionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CompoundInterjection

Interjection/Formation="compound"
has super-classes
interjection formationc

compound particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CompoundParticle

Particle/Formation="compound"
has super-classes
particle formationc

conditionalc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Conditional

e.g., lennétek/lesz, továbbtaníttatnátok/továbbtaníttat, tudnálak/tud, tudnátok/tud, venné/vesz, veszélyeztetné/veszélyeztet, visszakapná/visszakap (hu)
has super-classes
verb formc

conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Conjunction

e.g., aby, abych/aby, abychom/aby, abys/aby, abyste/aby, kdyby, kdybych/kdyby, kdybychom/kdyby, kdybys/kdyby (cs)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
(has cliticop max 1) and (has conjunction formationop max 1) and (has numberop max 1) and (has personop max 1)
has sub-classes
coordinating conjunctionc, portmanteau conjunctionc, subordinating conjunctionc
is in domain of
has conjunction formationop

conjunction formationc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ConjunctionFormation

Conjunction/Formation Formation: refers to the graphical components: simple, i.e. consisting of one word; compound, i.e. consisting of more than one word.
has super-classes
formationc
has sub-classes
compound conjunctionc, simple conjunctionc
is in range of
has conjunction formationop

coordinating conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CoordinatingConjunction

Current version:
CoordinatingConjunction conflates two different classifications of conjunctions: (a) according to position and distribution (b) according to the elements conjoined. TODO: distangle both aspects properly
Type="coordinating"
has super-classes
conjunctionc
has sub-classes
correlative coordinating conjunctionc, initial coordinating conjunctionc, non initial coordinating conjunctionc, repetitive coordinating conjunctionc, sentence coordinating conjunctionc, simple coordinating conjunctionc, words coordinating conjunctionc

copula verbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CopulaVerb

Current version:
The comments on copula indicate a problem: In some schemes, Type="copula" is assigned to all forms of (the translated forms of) "to be", and thus to be understood as *potential copula verb*, whereas other schemes classify properly according to functions. However, one cannot tell from MTE tags when which model is applied. The MTE types are thus to be interpreted as *potential* copula, etc., i.e., "olia:CopulaVerb or olia:AuxiliaryVerb or olia:LexicalVerb".
Type="copula"<br/> Czech: The verb "být" (E. "to be") in all its functions is characte- rized as Type=c (i.e. the copula), which clearly is an over- simplification because the verb has more meanings (auxiliary etc.). (MTE, v4.0)<br/> Slovak: The verb "byť" (E. "to be") in all its functions is characte- rized as Type=c (i.e. the copula), which clearly is an over- simplification because the verb has more meanings (auxiliary etc.). (MTE, v4.0)<br/> Resian: Verbs that can be of more than one Type are tagged according to their actual function, eg. byt / to be can be main, copula or auxiliary. (MTE, v4.0)<br/> Macedonian: We distinguish three types of verbs: main, auxiliary and modal. The word bi is considered as particle, rather than verb copula. (MTE, v4.0) "bi" is funny, as, in contrast to other copula it doesn't inflect for person / number (or, equivalently, it is fully syncretic), so maybe this was the reason Macedonians put it in particles. (Tomaz Erjavec, email 2010/06/09)
has super-classes
verbc

correlative coordinating conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CorrelativeCoordinatingConjunction

Coord_Type="correlat"<br/> In Romanian, there are three kinds of conjunctions depending on their usage: as such or together with other conjunctions or adverbs: (1) simple, between conjuncts: Ion ori Maria (John or Mary); (2) repetitive, before each conjunct: fie Ion fie Maria fie... (either John or Mary or...) (3) correlative, before a conjoined phrase, it requires specific coordinators between conjuncts: atât mama cât şi tata (both mother and father).
has super-classes
coordinating conjunctionc

count numberc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#CountNumber

Number="count" (Nouns in Serbian, Macedonian, Bulgarian)
has super-classes
numberc

courtesyc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Courtesy

feature "Courtesy"<br/> Resian: The attribute Courtesy is only relevant for the 2nd person plural, where forms in '-ta' refer to a plural subject and '-të' to a singular subject. For Slovene this attribute is not used, even though the distinction is made in a similar manner. (MTE v4)<br/> Persian: In some cases for courtesy, instead of the singular form of the verb, the plural one is used to refer to a singular subject. So we consider it as an attribute for Farsi Verbs. In fact, such attributes for Farsi are not found in traditional grammar books. (Qasemizadeh and Rahimi 2006)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
with courtesyc, without courtesyc
is in range of
has courtesyop

dative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DativeCase

e.g., amerykańskiej/amerykański, amerykańskim/amerykański, awansującym/awansować, całemu/cały, celowi/cel, choremu/chory, ci/ty, czemu/co, czemuś/coś (pl)
has super-classes
casec

definitec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Definite

Definiteness="yes" (Noun/Adjective: Romanian, Macedonian, Bulgarian, Persian; Verb: Bulgarian, Hungarian; Pronoun: Resian, Macedonian, Bulgarian)<br/> In Romanian, nouns can be marked for definiteness with the enclitic definite article. In noun-adjective construction, the definite article may attach enclitically to either adjectives or modified nouns (never to both of them). If present, the definite article attaches to the right of the first word in the sequence, e.g. Bunul om (The kind man) v.s. Omul bun. (The kind man) (MTE v4)<br/> For Macedonian, the definiteness attributes can take the values: non definite (no), generally definite (yes), definite at short visible distance (proximal), and definite at longer visible distance (distal). (MTE v4)<br/> Persian: Persian does have an article, but it marks specificity rather than definiteness. (Ivan A. Derzhanski, email 2010/06/18) According to Qasemizadeh & Rahimi's (2006) description of tokenization Definiteness of Nouns etc. thus refers to an orthographically non-separated definite (specifity-marking) article.
has super-classes
ambiguous definiteness featurec
clitic definite determinerc or clitic specific determinerc or person of objectc

definite articlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DefiniteArticle

Type="definite"<br/> Hungarian: We have tree articles: a, az and egy. a and az are definite. These may not have number and case. The word 'az' may have but that is a pronoun in those cases. (MTE v4)<br/> Resian: The definite article is 'te ta tö' and formally distinct from the demonstrative pronoun from which it derived: 'jte jta jtö'. (MTE v4)<br/> The Persian article marks specificity rather than definiteness. (Ivan A. Derzhanski, email 2010/06/18)
has super-classes
articlec

definitenessc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Definiteness

Current version:
Definiteness covers a broad variety of phenomena, incl. - reduction (in Slavic languages without determiner, Serge Sharoff, email 2010/06/09) - distinction between definite and indefinite article (English) - distinction between different types (or absence) of cliticized articles (Bulgarian, Macedonian) - definite and indefinite verbal conjungations (depending on the object of a verb; Hungarian, Csaba Oravecz, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hungarian_grammar_(verbs)#Definite_and_indefinite_conjugations)
corresponds to the definite and indefinite article in English, which is expressed in the Slavic languages by suffixes. For Bulgarian singular masculine there are two forms: full article and short article (full is used when a sing.masc. form is the syntactic subject of the clause, otherwise short article is used). The distinction full vs. short is not made for feminine, neuter and plural forms. Definiteness is also used in Romanian. (MTE v4)<br/> (Bulgarian) Definiteness attribute: One of the most important grammatical characteristics of the new Bulgarian language which sets it apart from the rest of the Slavic languages is the existence of a definite article. The definite article is a morphological indicator of the grammatical category determination (definiteness). The definite article is not a particle (particles are a separate category of words – parts-of-speech, while the article is not a separate word), nor is it a simple suffix, but a meaningful compound part of the word. It is a word-forming morpheme, which is placed at the end of words in order to express definiteness, familiarity, acquaintance (Bulgarian Grammar, 1993). In Bulgarian, nouns, adjectives, numerals, and full-forms of the possessive pronouns and participles can acquire an article. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)<br/> Bulgarian: For singular masculine, there are two forms: a full article(f)[l.s.] and a short article(s)[l.s.]. The full article is used when a singular masculine form is the syntactic subject of the clause, otherwise a short one is used – a purely orthographic rule. The distinction of full vs. short is not made for feminine, neuter and plural forms, and we use just the yes(y) or no(n) to mark definiteness or respectively lack thereof. Therefore, the definiteness attribute can take overall 4 different values: indefinite(n), definitive(y), short article(s), full article(f). (Dimitrova et al. 2009)<br/> Polish: The IPIC flexeme winien and predicatives like rad are treated as short adjectives—Definiteness="short-art". The Vocalicity of (a)gglutinated forms like -em vs -m is mapped on the Definiteness attribute with its values "(f)ull-art" and "(s)hort-art" respectively, meaning "full form" and "short form". The terms are very artificial, but this category is used due to the similarity of the phenomenon. (MTE v4)<br/> Macedonian: The adverbs that come sometimes before nouns (mnogu, malku, nekolku) can have definiteness in their inflectional paradigm. That is why these adverbs are considered as adjectives as well. (MTE v4)<br/> Romanian: By virtue of their noun or adjective value, some numerals may take the enclitic article (prim/primul - first/the first). Consequently for the Romanian, definiteness attribute helps distinguish the enclitic forms from the other forms. (MTE v4)<br/> One of MTE v.3’s most perplexing choices is that it uses the same binary feature Definiteness of the part of speech Verb to indicate, in Bulgarian, that a participle bears a definite article (говорилите ‘the ones who talked’), and in Hungarian, that a finite form of a transitive verb has a definite 3rd person direct object (tanulom ‘I learn it’). Thus two totally dissimilar (not to mention unrelated) phenomena are handled alike merely because their names in the respective grammatical traditions happen to mean the same. In MTE v.4 the tagset for Persian encodes izafet as Case=genitive (i.e., practically the opposite!) in an effort to avoid introducing a language-specific feature. (Derzhanski and Kotsyba 2009)<br/> Hungarian Definiteness (of verbs): In simple terms, it means that the verb takes a definite object, which is reflected in the type of verb conjugation. Eg. in Hungarian there will be two forms of the verb 'see' here 1. I can see an elephant. 2. I can see the elephant. depending on the definiteness of the object, 'látok' vs. 'látom'. The above 1s2s form of verbs takes a 1st person singular subject and 2nd person definite object (which in actual fact can also be plural not only singular). Both subject and object can be (pro)dropped. Eg. I can see you -> (Én) látlak (téged/titeket) I see you_sg/you_pl (Csaba Oravecz, email 2010/06/15)<br/> Persian: In Farsi, Nouns are inflected for number and Definiteness. ... Farsi adjectives are inflected for degree and definiteness. (Qasemizadeh and Rahimi 2006)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
ambiguous definiteness featurec, clitic determiner typec, person of objectc, reduction featurec
is in range of
has definitenessop

degreec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Degree

Hungarian: Some adverbs may have degree, but these do not formulate a special class. Presently we cannot give a criteria for this.
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
comparative degreec, elative degreec, positive degreec, superlative degreec
is in range of
has degreeop

delative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DelativeCase

Case="delative" (Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

demanding cliticc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DemandingClitic

Clitic="demanding" (Verb: Polish)<br/> An element that contains a clitic which is, however, represented as a separate token.<br/> Polish: Particles were extracted from the IPIC particle-adverbs category manually along with adverbs, pronouns and interjections and a few conjunctions. The Clitic attribute enables differentiating particles that are agglutinated to non-particles (value= "a"), e.g., by, że. The value "y" labels a composite particle such as niechby when treated as one word; alternatively it may be encoded as a aequence of two particles, the optionally demanding niech with Clitic="d" and the agglutinant by with Clitic="a". (MTE v4)<br/> This can be a subclass of ElementWithoutClitic. They are default though and won't be encoded in most cases. We only use them in some cases for Polish verbs. (Natalia Kotsyba, email 2010/06/21)
has super-classes
element without cliticc

demonstrative articlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DemonstrativeArticle

Type="demonstrative"<br/> Romanian: Although it presents only a few items, the article in Romanian has four types, unlike in most of the European languages. Beside the two recommended types: definite and indefinite which have the generally known semantic value, Romanian uses two additional types of articles, which are semantically subordinated to the definite article but which have special forms and meanings: (1) the possessive article (also called genitival article) is an element in the structure of the possessive pronoun, of the ordinal numeral (e.g. al meu (mine) and al treilea (the third)), and of the indefinite genitive forms of the nouns (e.g. capitol al cărţii (chapter of the book)). (2) the demonstrative article links a definite noun to its determinants, links a numeral or an adjective to a noun, and it is a constituent part of the relative superlative (e.g. fata cea mare (the elder girl), cel lenes, (the lazy), respectively prietenul cel mai bun (the best friend)).
has super-classes
articlec

demonstrative determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DemonstrativeDeterminer

Determiner/Type="demonstrative" (English, Romanian, Persian)
has super-classes
determinerc

demonstrative pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DemonstrativePronoun

Pronoun/Type="demonstrative"
has super-classes
pronounc

demonstrative quantifierc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DemonstrativeQuantifier

Current version:
"These are items meaning `how many/much', `this many/much', `several/some', `as many/much' etc. Strictly speaking, they are pronumerals (pro-quantifiers), but traditional descriptions don't recognise such a category, so they are described variously as pronouns (because they can be interrogative, demonstrative etc., as proforms other than personal or possessive ones can) or as numerals (because their syntactic distribution is that of numerals, or very close)." (Ivan A Derzhanski, email 2010/06/11)
Numeral/Class="demonstrative" (Czech, Slovak)
has super-classes
pro quantifierc

determinal pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DeterminalPronoun

Pronoun/Type="determinal" (Estonian)<br/> "in Estonian this label is used for the emphatic/reflexive pronouns _ise_, _end(a)_ `(one)self'." (Ivan A. Derzhanski, email 2010/06/15)<br/> "The Estonian intensifier ise is formally identical with the Estonian reflexive pronoun and is not marked for person but for case and number." Insa Gülzow (2006), The acquisition of intensifiers: Emphatic reflexives in English and German child language, Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin, p. 258<br/> Heiki-Jaan Kaalep: "When I created the MTE tables, I used "Eesti keele grammatika II. Morfoloogia. Arv- ja asesõna" Tartu, TÜ, 1981 (Grammar of Estonian II. Morphology. Numerals and pronouns. Tartu, Univ. of Tartu, 1981). The types of pronouns in MTE tables originate from p. 35 of this booklet. However, grammar books of the current century give a different list of types for pronouns, and group the pronouns in somewhat different ways. There is no consensus about the issue at the moment, and no debate on it also, as far as I can tell. Estonian determinal pronouns are not similar to the English determiners. However, all the determinal pronouns could be classified into other types (if we wanted to...), so we could get rid of this category altogether." (Heiki-Jaan Kaalep, email 2010/06/21)
has super-classes
pronounc

determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Determiner

Current version:
Note that here, Articles are not a priori Determiners, but only if they are specified as such, i.e., by Determiner/Type="article"
e.g., 'Er/her, 'is/his, a, an/a, her, his, its, my, our (en)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
has sub-classes
demonstrative determinerc, emphatic determinerc, exclamative determinerc, general determinerc, indefinite determinerc, interrogative or relative determinerc, negative determinerc, possessive determinerc, uniquitive determinerc
is in domain of
has modification typeop

digit numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DigitNumeral

Form="digit"
has super-classes
orthographical representation of numeralc

diminuitivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Diminuitive

Current version:
In MTE, diminuitive was modelled as a feature of Degree. This is, however, probably misplaced, thus renamed to Diminuitive and to be removed from Degree.<br/> "Only Resian has it, and the only reason it does is, I think, that it was distinguished in the source lexica, from which MTE was derived. As you noticed, there are often cases of discrepancies because folks did not want to abandon distinctions already present in their source lexica or corpora." (Tomaž Erjavec, email 2010/06/21)
Degree="diminuitive" (Adjective: Resian)<br/> Resian: The value 'diminutive' for Degree is relevant for derivated adjectives that end with the suffix '-ić'.
has super-classes
morphological derivationc

direct casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DirectCase

Case="direct" (Romanian)<br/> In the Romanian case system the value 'direct' conflates 'nominative' and 'accusative'.
has super-classes
casec

distributive casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DistributiveCase

Case="distributive" (Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

dual numberc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DualNumber

Czech: The dual Number manifests itself only in the instrumental Case of several Nouns denoting dual parts of the human body.
has super-classes
numberc

dual quantifierc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#DualQuantifier

Current version:
Numeral/Class="definite", Numeral/Class="definite1", Numeral/Class="definite234" etc. refer to specific patterns of congruency with Slavic numerals that originate from the difference between Old Slavic singular (definite1), dual (definite2, definite234) and plural (definite).
Numeral/Class="definite2" (Czech)<br/> cf. Slovak: Among the definite numbers there are four subclasses (definite1, definite2, definite34, definite) which differ in their syntactic distribution and contain the following numerals: {1}, {2,3,4}, {5,6,...}
has super-classes
numeral agreement classc

elative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ElativeCase

Case="elative" (Estonian, Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

elative degreec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ElativeDegree

Degree="elative" (Adjective: Resian, Serbian, Macedonian)<br/> In Semitic languages, the “adjective of superiority.” In some languages such as Arabic, the concepts of comparative and superlative degree of an adjective are merged into a single form, the elative. How this form is understood or translated depends upon context and definiteness. In the absence of comparison, the elative conveys the notion of “greatest”, “supreme.” The elative of كبير (kabí:r, "big") is أكبر (’ákbar, “bigger/biggest”, “greater/greatest”). (http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/elative)<br/> In Slavic languages, as well, it is pretty standard. I do agree with the definition though, that "the elative conveys the notion of “greatest”, “supreme.”" So, "lep" is beautiful "prelep" is very (or supremely) beautiful; I guess the "pre-" prefix could be roughly translated as "over-". Used in Resian, Serbian, Macedonian; formerly in Slovenian too, but we banished it, as even "ordinary" degrees are borderline inflection / derivation, but, I think, elative is is definitely not inflection. (Tomaž Erjavec, email 2010/06/21)
has super-classes
degreec

element with cliticc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ElementWithClitic

Current version:
Introduced to designate annotations that mark an element as *cointaining* (being composed of nonclitic and) clitic components, and to distinguish them from elements that *are* clitic elements.
has super-classes
cliticnessc
has sub-classes
with clitic sc

element without cliticc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ElementWithoutClitic

has super-classes
cliticnessc
has sub-classes
demanding cliticc, without clitic sc

emphatic determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#EmphaticDeterminer

Determiner/Type="emphatic" (Romanian)<br/> In Romanian, there are specific forms for the so-called emphatic determiner, which may accompany both a noun and a personal pronoun: fata însăşi (the girl herself), also ea însăşi (she herself).
has super-classes
determinerc

emphatic pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#EmphaticPronoun

Pronoun/Type="emphatic" (Ukrainian)<br/> Ukrainian: The emp(h)atic Type of Pronoun is used for pronoun forms ні"кому, ні"чому, ні"чим, ні"кого, etc., with complex meanings like "there is nobody/nothing (to do sth/to use for doing sth, etc.)". Orthographically these are identical forms of negative nominal pronouns ніхто, ніщо "nobody, nothing" in oblique cases, however, with differing accent. They are referred to as either separate pronoun lexemes or predicatives in grammars. All Ukrainian emphatic pronoun forms include negation.
has super-classes
pronounc

essive casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#EssiveCase

Case="essive" (Hungarian, Estonian)<br/> In Estonian the essive case means such things as `(I played golf) as a student', `(I worked) as a bartender', `(you look) tired', `(he's very good) as a dancing partner', `(we parted) as friends'. This doesn't sound like the definition you quoted, but is similar (though not identical) to the meaning of the Hungarian form. (Ivan A. Derzhanski, email 2010/06/15)<br/> Hungarian has two essive cases, essive-formalis (formatives, e.g., emberként "as people") and essive-modalis (essivus-formalis, e.g., emberül from ember "people") (Nose 2003, p. 108)<br/> The essive-modal case in Hungarian language can express the state, capacity, task in which somebody is or which somebody has (Essive case, e.g. "as a reward", "for example"), or the manner in which an action is carried out, an event happens, or the language which somebody knows (Modal case, e.g. "sloppily", "unexpectedly", "speak German"). An example of this would be in the sentence "Beszélek magyarul." (I speak Hungarian.) The sentence denotes the ability of being able to speak the Hungarian language. According to vowel harmony rules, ul becomes ül in cases such as "Beszélek németül." (I speak German.) because the word for "German", német is composed completely of median and/or frontal vowels. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Essive-modal_case)
has super-classes
casec

essive formal casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#EssiveFormalCase

Case="essive-formal" (Hungarian)<br/> e.g., Hungarian 'katonaként' -> [serves] as a soldier. (Csaba Oravecz, email 2010/06/15)<br/> The Hungarian "formativus, or essivus-formalis `-ként' ... usually expresses a position, task and manner of the person or the thing." (Nose 2003)<br/> "Haspelmath & Buchholz (1998:321) explained the function of the essive case as ``role phrases''. Role phrases represent the role of the function in which a participant appears. They regard the role phrases as adverbial." (Nose 2003, p. 117)<br/> In the Hungarian language this case combines the Essive case and the Formal case, and it can express the position, task, state (e.g. "as a tourist"), or the manner (e.g. "like a hunted animal"). The status of the suffix -ként in the declension system is disputed for several reasons. First, in general, Hungarian case suffixes are absolute word-final, while -ként permits further suffixation by the locative suffix -i. Second, most Hungarian case endings participate in vowel harmony, while -ként does not. For these reasons, many modern analyses of the Hungarian case system, starting with László Antal's "A magyar esetrendszer" (1961) do not consider the essive/formal to be a case. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Essive-formal_case)<br/> cf. Masahiko Nose (2003), Adverbial Usage of the Hungarian Essive Case
has super-classes
casec

exclamative determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ExclamativeDeterminer

e.g., چه‌قدر چه (fa)
has super-classes
determinerc

exclamative pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ExclamativePronoun

Pronoun/Type="exclamative"
has super-classes
pronounc

existential therec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ExistentialThere

Pronoun/Type="ex-there" (English)
has super-classes
pronounc

factive casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#FactiveCase

Case="factive" (Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

feminine genderc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#FeminineGender

e.g., akceptowanymi/akceptować, akredytujące/akredytować, akredytujących/akredytować, akredytującą/akredytować, cytowanych/cytować, cztery/cztery, czwartej/czwarty, czwartą/czwarty, debiutująca/debiutować (pl)
has super-classes
genderc

first personc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#FirstPerson

e.g., آمديم/آمد, باشم/باش, باشيم/باش, بتوانم/توان, بتوانيم/توان, بخواهيم/خواه, بدانم/دان بخوابونم/خوابان ببينم/بين, بدهيم/ده بخوانيم/خوان ببينيم/بين, بريم/رو برويم/رو باشيم/باش (fa)
has super-classes
personc

first sg second sgc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#FirstSgSecondSg

Definiteness="1s2s" (Verb: Hungarian)<br/> Hungarian: 1s2s is a special form for definitness, in which the speaker's person is first singular (I) and the target of the transitivity is second singular (you). (MTE v4)<br/> Hungarian Definiteness (of verbs): In simple terms, it means that the verb takes a definite object, which is reflected in the type of verb conjugation. Eg. in Hungarian there will be two forms of the verb 'see' here 1. I can see an elephant. 2. I can see the elephant. depending on the definiteness of the object, 'látok' vs. 'látom'. The above 1s2s form of verbs takes a 1st person singular subject and 2nd person definite object (which in actual fact can also be plural not only singular). Both subject and object can be (pro)dropped. Eg. I can see you -> (Én) látlak (téged/titeket) I see you_sg/you_pl (Csaba Oravecz, email 2010/06/15)
has super-classes
person of objectc

foreignc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Foreign

Residual/Type="foreign" For Slovene the Type attribute has been introduced on Residual, which distinguishes the values of "foreign", to mark a words in a strech of foreign language text, "typo", a mis-typed word, and "program", where the tokenisation program made a mistake. The second, and esp. the third value are useful for hand-annotation of corpora.
has super-classes
residualc

formal casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#FormalCase

Current version:
This concept pertains to a case in Hungarian, but is not actually used in the annotation scheme.
(from the discussion of [Hungarian] EssiveFormalCase)<br/> "`formal' in `essive-formal' is not an indication of register: there is another form, which in some descriptions is simply called `formal', with the affix _-képp(en)_ and a similar meaning (`in the form of ...', they probably meant when they came up with the term). The line between a case ending, an adverb formative and a postposition is a thin one in Hungarian." (Ivan A. Derzhanski, email 2010/06/15)<br/> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Essive-formal_case (2010/06/15): "In the Hungarian language this case combines the Essive case and the Formal case, and it can express the position, task, state (e.g. "as a tourist"), or the manner (e.g. "like a hunted animal")."
has super-classes
casec

formationc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Formation

Formation: refers to the graphical components: simple, i.e. consisting of one word; compound, i.e. consisting of more than one word.
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
adjective formationc, adposition formationc, conjunction formationc, interjection formationc, particle formationc
is in range of
has formationop

fractal numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#FractalNumeral

Romanian: Traditional Romanian grammars usually distinguish seven numeral types, where five of them have specific forms and the other two are obtained by composition. The first group is made up by the following numeral types: cardinal (trei-three), ordinal (al treilea-the third), fractional (treime-one third), multiple (întreit-trine), collective (amândoi-both). The second group contains the numeral types which are composed by means of other parts of speech: distributive (câte trei-...each three...), adverbial (de trei ori-thrice) and again the collective numeral which also has compound forms (toţi trei-all three). Nonetheless, as the numerals of the second group have a weak syntactic cohesion, namely each composition element may be regarded as an element of the sentence, with its own grammatical function, these last numeral types are irrelevant for the morphosyntactic annotation.
has super-classes
numeralc

full articlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#FullArticle

Current version:
For singular masculine, there are two forms: a full article(f)[l.s.] and a short article(s)[l.s.]. The full article is used when a singular masculine form is the syntactic subject of the clause, otherwise a short one is used – a purely orthographic rule. The distinction of full vs. short is not made for feminine, neuter and plural forms, and we use just the yes(y) or no(n) to mark definiteness or respectively lack thereof. Therefore, the definiteness attribute can take overall 4 different values: indefinite(n), definitive(y), short article(s), full article(f) (Dimitrova et al., 2009)
Definiteness="full-art" (Noun: Bulgarian; Verb: Polish, Russian, Bulgarian; Adjective: Polish, Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian; Pronoun: Polish, Bulgarian)<br/> Bulgarian: For singular masculine, there are two forms: a full article(f)[l.s.] and a short article(s)[l.s.]. The full article is used when a singular masculine form is the syntactic subject of the clause, otherwise a short one is used – a purely orthographic rule. The distinction of full vs. short is not made for feminine, neuter and plural forms, and we use just the yes(y) or no(n) to mark definiteness or respectively lack thereof. Therefore, the definiteness attribute can take overall 4 different values: indefinite(n), definitive(y), short article(s), full article(f) e.g., мъж, мъжа, мъжът /a man, the man[short], the man [full]/ (Dimitrova et al. 2009)<br/> Polish: The IPIC flexeme winien and predicatives like rad are treated as short adjectives—Definiteness="short-art". The Vocalicity of (a)gglutinated forms like -em vs -m is mapped on the Definiteness attribute with its values "(f)ull-art" and "(s)hort-art" respectively, meaning "full form" and "short form". The terms are very artificial, but this category is used due to the similarity of the phenomenon.
has super-classes
ambiguous definiteness featurec
clitic determiner typec or reduction featurec

future particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#FutureParticle

Particle/Type="future" (Romanian)
has super-classes
verbal particlec

future tensec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#FutureTense

Current version:
"future" and "present" were originally represented in VForm but are equivalent to "future" and "present" in Tense.<br/> The Slovene specs has a convoluted history - there are substantial differences between V3 in V4. Version 4 was made on the basis of the JOS specifications http://nl.ijs.si/jos/josMSD-en.html which are monolingual Slovene, and the linguists preferred to see future and present as verb forms, as this is traditional in Slovene grammars. Hence this inconsistency in regard to other languages. (Tomaž Erjavec, email 2010/06/09)
Tense="future"<br/> Czech/Slovak: Normally, Verbs form the future Tense periphrastically by auxiliary "být" (E. "to be") plus infinitive of the main Verb. In addition to the copula, there are, however, some Verbs which form future Tense non-periphrastically, i.e. synthetically (Verbs of motion). Such verbal forms are marked as Tense=f.
has super-classes
tensec

genderc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Gender

Ukrainian: Ukrainian pluralia tantum nouns are not encoded directly but can be identified by the absence of a value of Gender ("-").<br/> Polish: # Gender is reduced to the traditional set of "masculine, feminine, neutral". Masculine-human (m1), masculine-animate (m2) and masculine-object (m3) are expressed as a combination of features "Gender", "Animate" and "Human", which are grouped for convenience.<br/> Macedonian: The attributes Owner_Number and Owner_Gender are used for the pronoun negov. For other pronouns, ? is used.
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
common genderc, feminine genderc, masculine genderc, neuter genderc
is in range of
has genderop, has owner genderop

general adjectivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#GeneralAdjective

Type="general" (Slovene)
has super-classes
adjectivec
has sub-classes
ordinal adjectivec, qualificative adjectivec

general adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#GeneralAdverb

Type="general"<br/> Romanian: The distinction proposed here considers the principal syntactic properties of the adverbs. For Romanian, the general type includes most of the pronominal adverbs (demonstrative: aici (here), indefinite: oriunde (anywhere)). As argued before for pronouns and determiners, a distinct negative value is needed for adverbs as well (nicăieri - nowhere, niciodată - never). The particle type covers those adverbs which can dislocate verbal compound forms (ex. Ea a tot cântat -- She has ever sung) or mark degrees (ex. circa (about), foarte (very), prea (too)). Such adverbs are cam, mai, prea, şi, tot, foarte etc. A useful distinction in Romanian considers the adverbs which can have predicative role, that is they can govern a subordinate sentence (ex. Fireşte că o ştiu -- Certainly I know it). Here (for uniformity within a multilingual environment), they are squeezed into the modifier class. No formal distinction is made between the interrogative adverbs and the relative ones. The "portmanteau" type of adverb was introduced to cover some few words which can be both adverbs and conjunctions (with adverbial reading more frequent). This was necessary for tagging purposes.
has super-classes
adverbc

general determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#GeneralDeterminer

Determiner/Type="general" (English)
has super-classes
determinerc

general particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#GeneralParticle

Type="general" (Bulgarian)<br/> Bulgarian: In the Bulgarian MTE tagset, particles are characterised by the Type attribute. Type attribute is one of negative, general, comparative, verbal, interrogative, modal. ... Type=general(g) is for all the other, non-specialised particles. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
particlec

general pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#GeneralPronoun

Pronoun/Type="general" (English, Slavic)<br/> Resian: The taxonomy for Type is in concordance with the grammatical analysis of Resian, be it that 'other' here appears as the value 'general'.
has super-classes
pronounc

genitive casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#GenitiveCase

e.g., 0, Аахена/Аахен Абая/Абай Абакана/Абакан Абакану/Абакан Абіджана/Абіджан Абовяна/Абовян Авентина/Авентин Адамстауна/Адамстаун Адена/Аден Аджаристану/Аджаристан Адлера/Адлер Адоніса/Адоніс Адріанополя/Адріанополь Азенкура/Азенкур Азербайджану/Азербайджан Азова/Азов Акермана/Акерман Акмолінська/Акмолінськ Акрополя/Акрополь Актюбінська/Актюбінськ, Або/= Абруццо/= Абу-Дабі/= Адріатичного моря/Адріатичне море Азовського моря/Азовське море Айдахо/= Ай-Петрі/= Аконкагуа/= Актау/= Алеппо/= Аліканте/= Алмати/= Альбі/= Андаманського моря/Андаманське море Анжу/= Ані/= Антананаріву/= Антигуа/= Апіа/= Апостолового/Апостолове, Абіссінії/Абіссінія Абуджі/Абуджа Абхазії/Абхазія Авдіївки/Авдіївка Австралії/Австралія Австрії/Австрія Австро-Угорщини/Австро-Угорщина Аддис-Абеби/Аддис-Абеба Аджарії/Аджарія Адигеї/Адигея Адріатики/Адріатика Азії/Азія Айови/Айова Аквітанії/Аквітанія Аккри/Аккра Ак-Мечеті/Ак-Мечеть Акмоли/Акмола акрилової кислоти/акрилова кислота Алабами/Алабама Албанії/Албанія, Азорських островів/Азорські острови Аландських островів/Аландські острови Алеутських островів/Алеутські острови Андаманських островів/Андаманські острови Антильських островів/Антильські острови Багамських островів/Багамські острови Балеарських островів/Балеарські острови Бельбеків/Бельбек Бермудських островів/Бермудські острови Бугів/Буг Великоднів/Великдень Великих Сорочинців/Великі Сорочинці Віргінських островів/Віргінські острови Гавайських островів/Гавайські острови Гебридських островів/Гебридські острови Драконових гір/Драконові гори ЖЕКів/ЖЕК Зеленого Мису островів/Зеленого Мису острови Змієвих валів/Змієві вали Зондських островів/Зондські острови, Альп/Альпи Анд/Анди Апеннін/Апенніни Аппалачів/Аппалачі Арденн/Арденни Афін/Афіни Багам/Багами Балкан/Балкани Байдарських воріт/Байдарські ворота Барановичів/Барановичі Бендер/Бендери Березняків/Березняки Бермуд/Бермуди Бескидів/Бескиди Біличів/Біличі Близнюків/Близнюки Богородчан/Богородчани Боровичів/Боровичі Бортничів/Бортничі Броварів/Бровари, Америк/Америка Андалуських гір/Андалуські гори Атлаських гір/Атлаські гори Бистриць/Бистриця Держдум/Держдума Жовтих Вод/Жовті Води Збройних Сил України/Збройні сили України Індій/Індія Інтернет-газет/Інтернет-газета Караваєвих дач/Караваєві дачі Магелланових хмар/Магелланові хмари Македоній/Македонія Мате Залка/= Пасх/Пасха Пилипівок/Пилипівка Рад/Рада Родезій/Родезія Інтернет-технологій/Інтернет-технологія, Антропова/Антропов Абая/Абай Абакума/Абакум Абакумовича/Абакумович Абалкіна/Абалкін Абашидзе/= Аббаса/Аббас Абдули/Абдула Абдуллоджанова/Абдуллоджанов Абеля/Абель Абовяна/Абовян Абрама/Абрам Абрамовича/Абрамович Абрамовича/Абрамович Абрамчука/Абрамчук Абуладзе/= Авакума/Авакум Авакумовича/Авакумович Августа/Август Августимова/Августимов, Антропових/Антропов Абакумів/Абакум Абакумовичів/Абакумович Абалкіних/Абалкін Абашидзе/= Аббасів/Аббас Абдулів/Абдула Абдуллоджанових/Абдуллоджанов Абелів/Абель Абовянів/Абовян Абрамів/Абрам Абрамовичів/Абрамович Абрамовичів/Абрамович Абрамчуків/Абрамчук Абуладзе/= Авакумів/Авакум Авакумовичів/Авакумович Августів/Август Августимових/Августимов Августинів/Августин (uk)
has super-classes
casec

gerundc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Gerund

Current version:
The problem is that the English term _gerund_ is ambiguous: with respect to Latin, in whose grammatical tradition it originates, it refers to a deverbal noun, and is needed in this function for Polish as well; in descriptions of some other languages, however, it has been used for an adverbial participle. The two meanings have nothing in common, except that the English _ing_-form can translate both. (Ivan A Derzhanski, email 2010/06/09)
VForm="Gerund". For Polish Nouns also Type="Gerund", hence "VerbForm and (Noun or VerbForm)" (http://nl.ijs.si/ME/V4/msd/html/msd.N.html).<br/> Russian: Verb/Type="gerund" Russian specification distinguish Type=Gerund, and hence introduce various nominative properties on Verb, i.e. Definiteness, Case.<br/> Polish Noun/Type="gerund": # Gerund as a VForm (imiesłów przysłówkowy) is not to be confused with the gerund as a Noun Type (gerundium). # The gerund, e.g., bieganie, is considered a Type of Nouns. Strictly speaking, gerunds are a subtype of common nouns, but are treated as a type parallel to both common and proper nouns for convenience. # Aspect and Negation are added to characterize gerunds.<br/> cf. Czech: Verbal nouns are classified as Nouns.<br/> Macedonian: Verb forms gerund and adverbial participle are taken to be separate (noun and adverb) lemmas.<br/> Romanian: The following features are pertinent to those moods which permit an adjectival use, i.e. participle and gerund. However, the adjectival use of gerund is extremely rare (o mână tremurndă - a shaking hand) and therefore gender and number apply mainly for the participle.
is equivalent to
gerund or adverbial participlec
has super-classes
verb formc

gerund or adverbial participlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#GerundOrAdverbialParticiple

Current version:
introduced as a more precise synonym of "Gerund"
The problem is that the English term _gerund_ is ambiguous: with respect to Latin, in whose grammatical tradition it originates, it refers to a deverbal noun, and is needed in this function for Polish as well; in descriptions of some other languages, however, it has been used for an adverbial participle. The two meanings have nothing in common, except that the English _ing_-form can translate both. (Ivan A Derzhanski, email 2010/06/09)
has super-classes
verb formc
has sub-classes
transgressivec

gerund properc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#GerundProper

Currently gerunds (deverbal nouns) are encoded as common nouns. Since they are very frequent in Polish, it seems expedient to add a type for them, with the additional features Aspect and Negation relevant only to gerunds. The latter would enable celebrowanie ‘celebrating’ and niecelebrowanie ‘not celebrating’ to count as forms of the same lexeme (Derzhanski and Kotsyba 2009)<br/> _gerund_ is ambiguous: with respect to Latin, in whose grammatical tradition it originates, it refers to a deverbal noun, and is needed in this function for Polish as well; in descriptions of some other languages, however, it has been used for an adverbial participle. The two meanings have nothing in common, except that the English _ing_-form can translate both. (Ivan A Derzhanski, email 2010/06/09)
is equivalent to
common nounc and gerund or adverbial participlec

humanc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Human

Human="yes"
has super-classes
humannessc

humannessc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Humanness

feature "Human"<br/> Polish: # The attribute "Human" is added to express derogativity from the IPIC. The Polish derogatives are a class of plural forms of nouns which are [−Human] in the nominative but [+Human] in the accusative. # Gender is reduced to the traditional set of "masculine, feminine, neutral". Masculine-human (m1), masculine-animate (m2) and masculine-object (m3) are expressed as a combination of features "Gender", "Animate" and "Human", which are grouped for convenience.
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
humanc, no humanc
is in range of
has humannessop

illative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#IllativeCase

Case="illative" (Estonian, Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

imperativec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Imperative

e.g., buď/být, chtěj/chtít, dejme/dát, dejte/dát, nebraňme/bránit, nebudiž/být, nebuďme/budit, nebuďme/být, nevezme/vézt (cs)
has super-classes
verb formc

imperfect tensec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ImperfectTense

Tense="imperfect" (Romanian, Croatian, Serbian, Macedonian, Bulgarian, Estonian)
has super-classes
tensec

impersonalc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Impersonal

VForm="impersonal" (Polish, Ukrainian)<br/> Ukrainian: The impersonal VForm (o) is characterized by the ending -то/-но. It exists in other Slavic languages as well, although in most of them it coincides with the neutral form of the passive adjectival participle and is classified as such. In Ukrainian, as well as in Polish, the attributive form is different from the predicative one, cf. in Ukrainian писане правило (a written rule) vs писано правило (a rule was/is written).
has super-classes
verb formc

inanimatec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Inanimate

Animate="no" (Slavic Noun/Pronoun http://nl.ijs.si/ME/V4/msd/html/msd.N.html; Czech verb)<br/> Ukrainian: The feature "Animate" is used to differentiate between two accusative masculine forms.<br/> Slovak distinguishes masculine animate (Animate=yes above) and masculine inanimate (Animate=no) Gender. Masculine inanimate nouns always have the same form in the nominative and accusative case, whereas masculine animate nouns have predominantly the same form in the genitive and accusative case. Masculine animate nouns and masculine inanimate nouns differ in accusative singular, nominative (vocative) and accusative plural only.
has super-classes
animacyc

indefinitec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Indefinite

Definiteness="no" (Noun/Adjective: Romanian, Macedonian, Bulgarian, Persian; Verb: Bulgarian, Hungarian; Pronoun: Resian, Macedonian, Bulgarian)<br/> For Macedonian, the definiteness attributes can take the values: non definite (no), generally definite (yes), definite at short visible distance (proximal), and definite at longer visible distance (distal). (MTE v4)<br/> Bulgarian: For singular masculine, there are two forms: a full article(f)[l.s.] and a short article(s)[l.s.]. The full article is used when a singular masculine form is the syntactic subject of the clause, otherwise a short one is used – a purely orthographic rule. The distinction of full vs. short is not made for feminine, neuter and plural forms, and we use just the yes(y) or no(n) to mark definiteness or respectively lack thereof. Therefore, the definiteness attribute can take overall 4 different values: indefinite(n), definitive(y), short article(s), full article(f) e.g., мъж, мъжа, мъжът /a man, the man[short], the man [full]/ (Dimitrova et al. 2009)<br/> Persian: Persian does have an article, but it marks specificity rather than definiteness. (Ivan A. Derzhanski, email 2010/06/18) According to Qasemizadeh & Rahimi's (2006) description of tokenization Definiteness of Nouns etc. thus refers to an orthographically non-separated definite (specifity-marking) article.
has super-classes
ambiguous definiteness featurec
clitic indefinite determinerc or clitic unspecific determinerc or person of objectc

indefinite adjectivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#IndefiniteAdjective

Type="indefinite"
has super-classes
adjectivec

indefinite articlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#IndefiniteArticle

Type="indefinite"<br/> Hungarian: We have tree articles: a, az and egy. egy is indefinite. These may not have number and case.<br/> Resian: The indefinite pronoun is 'din na nö' and formally distinct from the numeral from which it derived: 'dyn dnä dnö'. (under Article)
has super-classes
articlec

indefinite determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#IndefiniteDeterminer

Determiner/Type="indefinite" (English, Romanian, Persian)
has super-classes
determinerc

indefinite pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#IndefinitePronoun

Pronoun/Type="indefinite"<br/> Romanian: In Romanian it is worth differentiating the negative pronoun from other indefinite pronouns: a negative pronoun cannot be an argument for a verb unless the verb itself is negated too (e.g. Nu am văzut pe nimeni / *Am văzut pe nimeni).
has super-classes
pronounc

indefinite quantifierc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#IndefiniteQuantifier

Current version:
Bulgarian equivalents of [Slovak] demonstrative, indefinite, interrogative numerals are classified as pronouns of a respective Type (including relative), e.g. няколко ученика /a few students/ – indefinite pronoun + noun. or sometimes as adverbs. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
Numeral/Class="indefinite" (Czech, Slovak)
has super-classes
pro quantifierc

indicativec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Indicative

e.g., -, elárultalak/elárul, figyelmeztettelek/figyelmeztet, megismertelek/megismer, uralhatjátok/uralhat, visszaemlékszel/visszaemlékszik, visszarettentek/visszaretten, visszatérsz/visszatér, visszatértek/visszatér (hu)
has super-classes
verb formc

inessive casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InessiveCase

Case="inessive" (Hungarian, Estonian)
has super-classes
casec

infinitivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Infinitive

e.g., bejt/být, být, bývat, dostat, mít, nebýt/být, nemít/mít, nezneužívat/zneužívat, neztratit/ztratit (cs)
has super-classes
verb formc

infinitive particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InfinitiveParticle

Particle/Type="infinitive" (Romanian)
has super-classes
verbal particlec

initial coordinating conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InitialCoordinatingConjunction

Coord_Type="initial" (English)
has super-classes
coordinating conjunctionc

instrumental casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InstrumentalCase

e.g., desaterým/desaterý, devatenáctým/devatenáctý, druhou/druhý, druhým/druhý, druhými/druhý, dvojí, dvěma/dva, jakou/jaký, jakým/jaký (cs)
has super-classes
casec

interjectionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Interjection

e.g., ach/ach, ho/ho, och/och (pl)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
has interjection formationop max 1
has sub-classes
mood interjectionc, other interjectionc
is in domain of
has interjection formationop

interjection formationc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InterjectionFormation

Formation: refers to the graphical components: simple, i.e. consisting of one word; compound, i.e. consisting of more than one word.
has super-classes
formationc
has sub-classes
compound interjectionc, simple interjectionc
is in range of
has interjection formationop

interrogative adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InterrogativeAdverb

Type="interrogative"
has super-classes
interrogative or relative adverbc

interrogative determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InterrogativeDeterminer

Determiner/Type="interrogative" (Persian)
has super-classes
interrogative or relative determinerc

interrogative or relative adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InterrogativeOrRelativeAdverb

Type="int-rel" (Romanian)<br/> Romanian: The distinction proposed here considers the principal syntactic properties of the adverbs. For Romanian, the general type includes most of the pronominal adverbs (demonstrative: aici (here), indefinite: oriunde (anywhere)). As argued before for pronouns and determiners, a distinct negative value is needed for adverbs as well (nicăieri - nowhere, niciodată - never). The particle type covers those adverbs which can dislocate verbal compound forms (ex. Ea a tot cântat -- She has ever sung) or mark degrees (ex. circa (about), foarte (very), prea (too)). Such adverbs are cam, mai, prea, şi, tot, foarte etc. A useful distinction in Romanian considers the adverbs which can have predicative role, that is they can govern a subordinate sentence (ex. Fireşte că o ştiu -- Certainly I know it). Here (for uniformity within a multilingual environment), they are squeezed into the modifier class. No formal distinction is made between the interrogative adverbs and the relative ones. The "portmanteau" type of adverb was introduced to cover some few words which can be both adverbs and conjunctions (with adverbial reading more frequent). This was necessary for tagging purposes.
has super-classes
adverbc
has sub-classes
interrogative adverbc

interrogative or relative determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InterrogativeOrRelativeDeterminer

Determiner/Type="int-rel" (Romanian)
has super-classes
determinerc
has sub-classes
interrogative determinerc, relative determinerc

interrogative or relative pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InterrogativeOrRelativePronoun

Pronoun/Type="int-rel" (Romanian)
has super-classes
pronounc
has sub-classes
interrogative pronounc, relative pronounc

interrogative particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InterrogativeParticle

Type="interrogative"<br/> Bulgarian: Type=interrogative(i) are particles used to form yes/no-questions or exclamations (ли, дали, нали, нима, мигар) – this type of particles is not present in Slovak at all. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
particlec

interrogative pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InterrogativePronoun

Pronoun/Type="interrogative"
has super-classes
interrogative or relative pronounc

interrogative quantifierc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#InterrogativeQuantifier

Current version:
Bulgarian equivalents of [Slovak] demonstrative, indefinite, interrogative numerals are classified as pronouns of a respective Type (including relative), e.g. няколко ученика /a few students/ – indefinite pronoun + noun. or sometimes as adverbs. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
Numeral/Class="interrogative" (Czech, Slovak)
has super-classes
pro quantifierc

intransitivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Intransitive

Transitive="no" (Persian)
has super-classes
transitivityc

letter numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#LetterNumeral

Form="letter"
has super-classes
orthographical representation of numeralc

light verbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#LightVerb

Type="light" (Persian) Persian has a limited number of just over a hundred simple verbs. The vast majority of verbal notions are expressed through compound verbs using one of a limited set of light verbs (which also occur as simple verbs). (Neiloufar Famili, abstract of a talk given 2010/06/14)<br/> Light verbs in Farsi are used to make a compound verb structure. Compound verb structure consists of one or more preverbal elements which could be a noun, adjective, or a prepositional phrase, followed by a Light verb. The number of Light verbs is limited. The elements of a compound verb construction can be separated by other lexical elements such as the object of the verbal construction or an adjective, adverb, etc. Therefore our suggestion is to analyze compound verb construction only at the syntactic level. We should also note that Light verbs are homographic with Main verbs. (Qasemizadeh and Rahimi 2006)
has super-classes
verbc

locative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#LocativeCase

e.g., belim/beo, Bratstvu/Bratstvo, dvojim/dvoje, Hajd, jednoj/jedan, jednom/jedan, jednome/jedan, jednomu/jedan, Jevrejkama/Jevrejka (sr)
has super-classes
casec

m form numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#MFormNumeral

Current version:
We have not yet found a language-independent label for the Bulgarian m-form: The usage of the m-form is similar to Russian collective numbers, but CollectiveNumeral would be a misnomer, because there's nothing collective about the m-form: `collective' suggests that the so-and-so many entities are viewed as a unit, and the preference for this form in various languages for counting pluralia tantum, human beings etc. is secondary; the m-forms are just masculine human (and are never applied for pluralia tantum, for example). But the similarity is there, so it wouldn't be a very incorrect thing to do. Also there are synonymous numerals in _-ica_ and _-mina_, which are collective historically (though not synchronically). In particular, there is no relationship to Romanian Numeral/Type="collect" (CollectiveNumeral). That type covers items meaning `both', `all three' etc. (In Slovene _oba_ `both' is treated as a pronoun, not a numeral.) (Ivan A Derzhanski, email 2010/06/20; cf. http://masterrussian.com/numbers/collective_numbers.php on collective numbers in Russian)<br/> Assigned hasCase(masculine) and hasAnimacy(animate).
Form="m-form" (Bulgarian)<br/> Bulgarian has an additional Form=m_form(m), used only for people, formed with suffix -(и)ма: двама, трима, петима /two(people), three(people), five(people)/ and Form=approx(a), used for approximate numerals (десетина /about a ten/, стотина /about a hundred/) (Dimitrova et al. 2009)<br/> [S]pecial form of cardinal numbers for persons of masculine gender for `two', `three', `four', `five' and `six' (Lily Earl [2000], A comprehensive Bulgarian grammar for foreign learners, Daniela Ubenova, Sophia, p. 153)<br/> They go beyond six, though the higher the number, the less natural they sound. `Seven Brides for Seven Brothers' is _Sedem nevesti za sedmina bratja_, always. Otoh, _The Seven Samurai_ is _Sedemte samurai_, not _Sedminata samurai_. It's a stylistic choice. (Ivan A Derzhanski, email 2010/06/20)
has super-classes
morphological form of numeralc
(has caseop some m form numeralc) and (has genderop some m form numeralc)
animatec and cardinal numeralc and masculine genderc

main verbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#MainVerb

Type="main"<br/> Macedonian: We distinguish three types of verbs: main, auxiliary and modal. The word bi is considered as particle, rather than verb copula.<br/> Resian: Verbs that can be of more than one Type are tagged according to their actual function, eg. byt / to be can be main, copula or auxiliary.
has super-classes
verbc

masculine genderc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#MasculineGender

e.g., henten, hentie/henten, hentoho/henten, hentí/henten, hentých/henten, najžulovitejšie/žulovitý, najžulovitejšieho/žulovitý, najžulovitejšiemu/žulovitý, najžulovitejšom/žulovitý (sk)
has super-classes
genderc

medial voicec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#MedialVoice

Voice="medial"<br/> (Russian)
has super-classes
voicec

modal particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ModalParticle

Type="modal"<br/> Bulgarian: Type=modal(o) – used to express urge or order, mostly homonymous with other types of particles, for instance да, дано, нека, хайде. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
particlec

modal verbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ModalVerb

Type="modal"<br/> Macedonian: We distinguish three types of verbs: main, auxiliary and modal. The word bi is considered as particle, rather than verb copula. (MTE v4)<br/> Persian: "Modal type of verbs is used to change the aspect of verbs to Subjunctive. Usually they come before Main verbs in present subjunctive form so the Main verb will have normal inflectional attributes. But if the Main verb appears in past 3rd person form, then the construction will be impersonal. Modal verbs usually are not inflected by number and person. However, there is an exception for the verb '‫( 'ﺗﻮاﻧﺴﺘﻦ‬tavânestan) that can be inflected for person and number." (Qasemizadeh and Saeed Rahimi 2006)
has super-classes
verbc

modification typec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ModificationType

Determiner/Modific_Type Modific_Type: refers to the prenominal or postnominal positions of Determiners which distinguish different forms in Romanian.
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
postnominal modificationc, prenominal modificationc
is in range of
has modification typeop

modifier adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ModifierAdverb

type="modifier" (English, Romanian, Hungarian)<br/> Romanian: The distinction proposed here considers the principal syntactic properties of the adverbs. For Romanian, the general type includes most of the pronominal adverbs (demonstrative: aici (here), indefinite: oriunde (anywhere)). As argued before for pronouns and determiners, a distinct negative value is needed for adverbs as well (nicăieri - nowhere, niciodată - never). The particle type covers those adverbs which can dislocate verbal compound forms (ex. Ea a tot cântat -- She has ever sung) or mark degrees (ex. circa (about), foarte (very), prea (too)). Such adverbs are cam, mai, prea, şi, tot, foarte etc. A useful distinction in Romanian considers the adverbs which can have predicative role, that is they can govern a subordinate sentence (ex. Fireşte că o ştiu -- Certainly I know it). Here (for uniformity within a multilingual environment), they are squeezed into the modifier class. No formal distinction is made between the interrogative adverbs and the relative ones. The "portmanteau" type of adverb was introduced to cover some few words which can be both adverbs and conjunctions (with adverbial reading more frequent). This was necessary for tagging purposes.
has super-classes
adverbc

mood interjectionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#MoodInterjection

Type="mood" (Hungarian)
has super-classes
interjectionc

morphological derivationc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#MorphologicalDerivation

Current version:
Occasionally, the MTE v.4 specifications employ tag abuse to represent morphological derivations as morphological features. To represent the conceptual difference between inflectional (morphosyntactic) and derivational (morphological) features, the concept MorphologicalDerivation is introduced.
has sub-classes
collectivec, diminuitivec

morphological form of numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#MorphologicalFormOfNumeral

Current version:
NumeralForm conflates two different aspects that are made explicit here: - OrthographicRepresentationOfNumeral: the orthographical representation of Numerals, and - MorphologicalFormOfNumeral: morphological subclasses of Numeral as defined by their derivational morphology
has super-classes
numeral formc
has sub-classes
approximate numeralc, m form numeralc

morphosyntactic categoryc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#MorphosyntacticCategory

Top-level categories as specified under http://nl.ijs.si/ME/V4/msd/html/msd.cats.html. Subordinate categories reflect "Type" and related attributes.
has sub-classes
abbreviationc, adjectivec, adpositionc, adverbc, articlec, conjunctionc, determinerc, interjectionc, nounc, particlec, pronounc, quantifierc, residualc, verbc
is in domain of
has featureop

morphosyntactic featurec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#MorphosyntacticFeature

Morphosyntactic features as specified under http://nl.ijs.si/ME/V4/msd/html. Note that attribute like "type" are represented as subcategories of MorphosyntacticCategory, cf. remarks there.
has sub-classes
animacyc, aspectc, casec, cliticnessc, courtesyc, definitenessc, degreec, formationc, genderc, humannessc, modification typec, negationc, numberc, numeral agreement classc, numeral formc, personc, pronoun formc, syntactic typec, tensec, transitivityc, verb formc, voicec, w h typec
is in range of
has featureop

multiple numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#MultipleNumeral

Numeral/Type="multiple"<br/> Romanian: Traditional Romanian grammars usually distinguish seven numeral types, where five of them have specific forms and the other two are obtained by composition. The first group is made up by the following numeral types: cardinal (trei-three), ordinal (al treilea-the third), fractional (treime-one third), multiple (întreit-trine), collective (amândoi-both). The second group contains the numeral types which are composed by means of other parts of speech: distributive (câte trei-...each three...), adverbial (de trei ori-thrice) and again the collective numeral which also has compound forms (toţi trei-all three). Nonetheless, as the numerals of the second group have a weak syntactic cohesion, namely each composition element may be regarded as an element of the sentence, with its own grammatical function, these last numeral types are irrelevant for the morphosyntactic annotation.
has super-classes
numeralc

multiplicative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#MultiplicativeCase

Case="multiplicative" (Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

negatedc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Negated

Negation="yes"<br/> Resian: Negative is always marked as 'n' except for two verbs: 'nïman' / not to have, 'nïsi' / not to be.<br/> Slovak: Negative verbs are marked as Negative=y, whereas non-negative verbs are marked as Negative=n. Verbs form negative by prefix 'ne-', with the exception of the verb "byť" (E. "to be") which forms the neagative in indicative by using separate particle "nie", e.g. "nie je" (is not). Here, "je" would be marked as negative, despite having positive form.
has super-classes
negationc

negationc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Negation

Negative: the value 'yes' encodes negative verbal word-forms in Slavic languages and Estonian.
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
negatedc, non negatedc
is in range of
has negationop

negative adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NegativeAdverb

Type="negative"<br/> Romanian: The distinction proposed here considers the principal syntactic properties of the adverbs. For Romanian, the general type includes most of the pronominal adverbs (demonstrative: aici (here), indefinite: oriunde (anywhere)). As argued before for pronouns and determiners, a distinct negative value is needed for adverbs as well (nicăieri - nowhere, niciodată - never). The particle type covers those adverbs which can dislocate verbal compound forms (ex. Ea a tot cântat -- She has ever sung) or mark degrees (ex. circa (about), foarte (very), prea (too)). Such adverbs are cam, mai, prea, şi, tot, foarte etc. A useful distinction in Romanian considers the adverbs which can have predicative role, that is they can govern a subordinate sentence (ex. Fireşte că o ştiu -- Certainly I know it). Here (for uniformity within a multilingual environment), they are squeezed into the modifier class. No formal distinction is made between the interrogative adverbs and the relative ones. The "portmanteau" type of adverb was introduced to cover some few words which can be both adverbs and conjunctions (with adverbial reading more frequent). This was necessary for tagging purposes.
has super-classes
adverbc

negative determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NegativeDeterminer

Determiner/Type="negative" (Romanian)<br/> Romanian: The need for a negative value of the determiners' Type attribute is argued on the same lines as in the section on pronoun' s Type. In Romanian the negative determiner is expressed by the unit nici + indefinite article (e.g. nici un, nici o).
has super-classes
determinerc

negative particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NegativeParticle

Current version:
Bulgarian: Type=negative(z) is used for particles expressing negation (не, ни, нито) (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
e.g., n-/nu, nu (ro)
has super-classes
particlec

negative pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NegativePronoun

Pronoun/Type="negative" (Romanian, Slavic)<br/> Romanian: In Romanian it is worth differentiating the negative pronoun from other indefinite pronouns: a negative pronoun cannot be an argument for a verb unless the verb itself is negated too (e.g. Nu am văzut pe nimeni / *Am văzut pe nimeni).<br/> Slovak: Negative and general pronouns ("general" Pronouns concern the Pronouns like "všetci" [E. "all"], "každý" [E. "every"] etc.) are important from the viewpoint of their syntactic distribution.<br/> cf. Ukrainian EmphaticPronoun: The emp(h)atic Type of Pronoun is used for pronoun forms ні"кому, ні"чому, ні"чим, ні"кого, etc., with complex meanings like "there is nobody/nothing (to do sth/to use for doing sth, etc.)". Orthographically these are identical forms of negative nominal pronouns ніхто, ніщо "nobody, nothing" in oblique cases, however, with differing accent. They are referred to as either separate pronoun lexemes or predicatives in grammars. All Ukrainian emphatic pronoun forms include negation.
has super-classes
pronounc

negative subordinating conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NegativeSubordinatingConjunction

Sub_Type="negative" (Romanian, Serbian, Russian)
has super-classes
subordinating conjunctionc

neuter genderc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NeuterGender

Romanian: In Romanian the declension of a neuter noun always follows in singular a masculine paradigm and in plural a feminine one. Specific implementations could take advantage of this rule and by organizing the paradigmatic space in partial paradigms (masc-sing, masc-pl, fem-sing, fem-pl) to get rid of neuter value for the gender attribute.
has super-classes
genderc

no cliticc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NoClitic

Current version:
Seems to be NoncliticElement in Slovak and Polish, but ElementWithoutClitic in Hungarian and Romanian.
Clitic="no" (Noun/Adjective: Romanian; Verb: Romanian, Polish, Serbian, Persian)<br/> Slovak Pronoun: The Clitic attribute distinguishes clitical vs. nonclitical pronominal forms, e.g. "ti" vs. "tebe".<br/> Romanian Verb, Noun, Adjective: The cliticization phenomenon in Romanian is not restricted to verb-pronoun relationship, but may also be observed with the (main) verb and the auxiliary, the noun or adjective with pronoun, with noun or adjective with copula, pronoun with auxiliary, preposition with (indefinite) article, numeral or (indefinite) pronoun, negative adverb with verb, auxiliary or pronoun, and some others (mainly created through the contracted forms of the verb "a fi"-to be). We restrict ourselves to considering only the graphically marked clicitizations. In such cases, the two, three or (sometimes) four constituents of a cliticized word-form are always separated by a hyphen. Omitting the hyphen in such cases is an unacceptable error in written Romanian.<br/> Romanian Article: Note that the definite article has only enclitic forms, except for one proclitical form (lui + proper noun: lui Ion). The inflected forms of the foreign-origin words (mainly nouns) not fully assimilated, are usually written with a hyphen between the base-form and the inflectional ending. In our encoding, we classified these endings (which are supposed to be split by the segmenter) as clitic articles (clitic attribute is always "y") which can be either definite (type=f, "-istul") or indefinite (type=i, "ist") and are characterised by gender (gender=m, "ist"; gender=f, "istă"), number (number=s, "ist"; number=p, "işti") and case (case=r, "istul"; case=o, "istului").
has super-classes
ambiguous cliticnessc
element without cliticc or nonclitic elementc

no humanc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NoHuman

Human="no"
has super-classes
humannessc

nominalc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Nominal

Pronoun/Syntactic_Type="nominal" (Slavic), Abbreviation/Syntactic_Type="nominal"<br/> Slovak Pronoun: Pronouns are distinguished between having a (syntactically) nominal and (syntactically) adjectival function. All pronominal types except the demonstrative and possessive one can be nominal, and all except for the personal one can be adjectival.
has super-classes
syntactic typec

nominal adjectivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NominalAdjective

Formation="nominal" (Czech)
has super-classes
adjective formationc

nominative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NominativeCase

e.g., eu, tu (ro)
has super-classes
casec

non initial coordinating conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NonInitialCoordinatingConjunction

Coord_Type="non-initial" (English)
has super-classes
coordinating conjunctionc

non negatedc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NonNegated

Negation="no"<br/> Resian: Negative is always marked as 'n' except for two verbs: 'nïman' / not to have, 'nïsi' / not to be.<br/> Slovak: Negative verbs are marked as Negative=y, whereas non-negative verbs are marked as Negative=n. Verbs form negative by prefix 'ne-', with the exception of the verb "byť" (E. "to be") which forms the neagative in indicative by using separate particle "nie", e.g. "nie je" (is not). Here, "je" would be marked as negative, despite having positive form.
has super-classes
negationc

nonclitic elementc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NoncliticElement

has super-classes
cliticnessc

nonspecific pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NonspecificPronoun

Pronoun/Type="nonspecific" (Russian)<br/> Russian: Type=nonspecific marks the following Russian words: весь 'all', всякий 'any, every', сам 'oneself', самый 'the very', каждый 'every, each', иной 'other', любой 'any', другой 'other'. The name "nonspecific" follows Halliday's Introduction to Functional Grammar, Section 6.2.1.1.
has super-classes
pronounc

nounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Noun

http://nl.ijs.si/ME/V4/msd/html/msd.N.html Gender and Number are the only attributes specified for all languages.<br/> Slovak: Adjectival nouns (gazdiná, hostinský) are classified as nouns. Sometimes the distinction between noun and adjective is not as clear as we want (obchodný cestujúci).<br/> Ukrainian: Gerunds are not differentiated, but could be treated as a special class of nouns, nota bene: they possess aspect.
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
has animacyop max 1
(has aspectop max 1) and (has caseop max 1) and (has cliticop max 1) and (has definitenessop max 1) and (has humannessop max 1) and (has owned numberop max 1) and (has owner numberop max 1)
has owner personop max 1
has numberop exactly 1
has genderop exactly 1
has sub-classes
common nounc, proper nounc
is in domain of
has sub caseop

numberc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Number

Hungarian has three types of number in the nominal inflection: 1. The number of the noun. 2. The number of owners that own the noun. 3. The number of the context given referent, which is some possession of the noun, i.e. belongs to the noun (anaphoric possessive).<br/> Macedonian: The attributes Owner_Number and Owner_Gender are used for the pronoun negov. For other pronouns, ? is used.
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
collective numberc, count numberc, dual numberc, paucal numberc, plural numberc, singular numberc
is in range of
has numberop, has owned numberop, has owner numberop

numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Numeral

Current version:
In many MTE schemes, the class "Numeral" is applied to cover non-numerical quantifiers, as well. The common MTE category "Numeral" thus fails to distinguish between numeral and non-numeral quantifiers and is thus to be renamed to the broader concept "Quantifier".
English: Numerals have not been subsumed under adjectives, pronouns, determiners, etc. because the internal structure of complex numerals is idiosyncratic. (MTE v.4)<br/> Czech: Numerals have been specified as a separate category because of their specific syntactic distribution. We have specified two syntactic classifications by means of the attributes Type and Class; they concern different syntactic distributions. For instance "několik" (E. "several") will be characterized as: Type: cardinal Class: indefinite (MTE v.4)<br/> Slovak: Numerals have been specified as a separate category because of their specific syntactic distribution. We have specified two syntactic classifications by means of the attributes Type and Class; they concern different syntactic distributions. For instance "niekoľko" (E. "several") will be characterized as: Type: cardinal, Class: indefinite. Note that difference between pronouns and these classes of numerals is fuzzy and many are indeed classified as pronouns. (MTE v.4)<br/> Hungarian: Types like ordinal and cardinal are grouped as numerals. (MTE v.4)<br/> Resian: A division of numerals according to their nominal, adjectival or adverbial function is not usual in Resian grammar. (MTE v.4)<br/> Romanian: In Romanian (as in many other languages) several numerals have noun behaviour (some grammarians classify such numerals as nouns) with gender and declension of their own, which they preserve even in the composition of the superior order numerals; these are, for instance, sută (hundred), mie (thousand), milion (million) and miliard (billion). In a sentence most numerals may fulfill the function of other parts of speech like noun, determiner or adverb. (MTE v.4)<br/> Within the part of speech Numeral the type multipl[icativ]e is defined, but to the Czech tagset a multiple numeral is an adverbial one (dvakrát ‘twice’), whereas to the Slovene tagset it is adjectival (dvojen ‘double’). (Derzhanski and Kotsyba 2009)
has super-classes
quantifierc
(has animacyop max 1) and (has cliticop max 1) and (has definitenessop max 1) and (has numeral formop max 1) and (has owner numberop max 1) and (has owner personop max 1) and (has quantifierop max 1)
has humannessop max 1
(has caseop max 1) and (has genderop max 1) and (has numberop max 1)
has owned numberop max 1
has sub-classes
cardinal numeralc, collective numeralc, fractal numeralc, multiple numeralc, ordinal numeralc, special numeralc
is in domain of
has numeral formop, has quantifierop

numeral agreement classc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NumeralAgreementClass

In most Slavic languages, Numerals and Quantifiers involve specific agreement patterns, e.g., in Russian:<br/> (a) SingularQuantifier (MTE v4: Numeral/Class="definite1"): requires noun in nominative singular, e.g., один год "one year" (b) PaucalQuantifier (MTE v4: Numeral/Class="definite234"): requires noun in genitive singular, e.g., два/три/четыре года "two/three/four years" (c) PluralQuantifier (MTE v4: Numeral/Class="definite"):requires noun in genitive plural, e.g., пять/много/сколько/столько лет "five/many/how many/that many years"<br/> Bulgarian has done away with the distinction between 4 and 5, and generalised the 2-4 form to all numerals (and some other quantifiers), but the others generally keep it. Also Slovene has a living dual (both Sorbians likewise, but they haven't been MTEd).<br/> Some Czech feminine and neuter body parts have preserved dual forms, and if the noun is dual, so are its attributes (adjectives, pronouns). So 2 differs formally from 3-4. The corresponding agreement pattern is a DualQuantifier (MTE v4: Numeral/Class="definite2"). (Ivan A. Derzhanski & Christian Chiarcos)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
quantifierc
has sub-classes
dual quantifierc, paucal quantifierc, plural quantifierc, singular quantifierc

numeral formc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NumeralForm

has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
morphological form of numeralc, orthographical representation of numeralc
is in range of
has numeral formop

numeral three or fourc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NumeralThreeOrFour

Current version:
Numeral/Class="definite", Numeral/Class="definite1", Numeral/Class="definite234" etc. refer to specific patterns of congruency with Slavic numerals that originate from the difference between Old Slavic singular (definite1), dual (definite2, definite234) and plural (definite).
Numeral/Class="definite34" (Polish, Czech)<br/> cf. Slovak: Among the definite numbers there are four subclasses (definite1, definite2, definite34, definite) which differ in their syntactic distribution and contain the following numerals: {1}, {2,3,4}, {5,6,...}<br/> Polish: The IPIC accommodability feature for numerals with its two values "agreeing" (congr) and "governing" (rec) is presented here as the combination of the Number and the Class attribute used for Czech: definite = rec (IPIC) = governing (g) pięć, pięciu, dwóch; definite34 = congr (IPIC) = agreeing (a), Number=p dwa, dwaj, trzy, trzej, cztery. Cf. for Czech: definite2 = congr (IPIC) = agreeing (a), Number=d; definite1 = congr (IPIC) = agreeing (a), Number=a.
has super-classes
paucal quantifierc

numeral two to fourc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#NumeralTwoToFour

Current version:
Numeral/Class="definite", Numeral/Class="definite1", Numeral/Class="definite234" etc. refer to specific patterns of congruency with Slavic numerals that originate from the difference between Old Slavic singular (definite1), dual (definite2, definite234) and plural (definite).
Numeral/Class="definite234" (Slovak)<br/> Slovak: Among the definite numbers there are four subclasses (definite1, definite2, definite34, definite) which differ in their syntactic distribution and contain the following numerals: {1}, {2,3,4}, {5,6,...}
has super-classes
paucal quantifierc

oblique casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ObliqueCase

Case="oblique" (Romanian, Macedonian)<br/> In the Romanian case system the value 'oblique' conflates 'genitive' and 'dative'. In the Macedonian case system the value 'oblique' conflates archaic forms of 'genitive', 'dative' and 'accusative'.
has super-classes
casec

ordinal adjectivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#OrdinalAdjective

Type="ordinal" (Resian, Serbian, Ukrainian, Macedonian) Macedonian: Words like prv, vtor (eng. first, second) are considered ordinal numerals. (Note in Adjective) Ukrainian: Relative adjectives (Ukr. відносні прикметники) are here labelled "o(rdinal)" for the sake of continuity with the Slovene tagset, where this term translates Slovene vrstni (pridevniki). (MTE v4)<br/> about "ordinal": "actually relative,a mistranslation of the Slovenian term vrstni" (Derzhanski and Kotsyba 2009)
has super-classes
general adjectivec

ordinal numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#OrdinalNumeral

Macedonian: Words like prv, vtor (eng. first, second) are considered ordinal numerals. The ordinal numerals have the same inflectional characteristics as adjectives. (MTE v4)<br/> Romanian: Traditional Romanian grammars usually distinguish seven numeral types, where five of them have specific forms and the other two are obtained by composition. The first group is made up by the following numeral types: cardinal (trei-three), ordinal (al treilea-the third), fractional (treime-one third), multiple (întreit-trine), collective (amândoi-both). The second group contains the numeral types which are composed by means of other parts of speech: distributive (câte trei-...each three...), adverbial (de trei ori-thrice) and again the collective numeral which also has compound forms (toţi trei-all three). Nonetheless, as the numerals of the second group have a weak syntactic cohesion, namely each composition element may be regarded as an element of the sentence, with its own grammatical function, these last numeral types are irrelevant for the morphosyntactic annotation. (MTE v4)<br/> Slovak/Bulgarian: Ordinal (qualitative) numerals have an enumerating property, through which one can determine the consecutive position of an object in an ensemble of homogenous objects: prvý deň, druhý mesiac, tretia sekunda; първи ден, втори месец, трета секунда /first day, second month, third second/. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
numeralc
has sub-classes
premodifying ordinal numeralc

orthographical representation of numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#OrthographicalRepresentationOfNumeral

Current version:
NumeralForm conflates two different aspects that are made explicit here: - OrthographicRepresentationOfNumeral: the orthographical representation of Numerals, and - MorphologicalFormOfNumeral: morphological subclasses of Numeral as defined by their derivational morphology
has super-classes
numeral formc
has sub-classes
both numeralc, digit numeralc, letter numeralc, roman numeralc

other interjectionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#OtherInterjection

Interjection/Type="other" (Hungarian, as compared to Type="mood")
has super-classes
interjectionc

part of fixed expressionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PartOfFixedExpression

Current version:
Corresponds to MTE Burkinostka (Adverb/Clitic="burkinostka"; Polish) "Burkinostka was a local joke :). IsPartOfFixedExpression, to be more precise. Or somehow shorter." (Natalia Kotsyba, email 2010/06/21)
Some forms can only be used in a fixed context, e.g., polsku in po polsku. They are classified as special kinds of adjectives in the IPIC. In the MTE version this information is preserved in the status of a "burkinostka". This term is devised by Magdalena Derwojedowa and refers to dependent words like Burkina which only make sense and can be morphosyntactically identified in a fixed combination (Burkina Faso).
has super-classes
collocationc

participlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Participle

Verb/VForm="participle" or Adjective/Type="participle"<br/> Czech: Adjectival active and passive participles, e.g. "stojící" (E. "standing") or "udělaný" (E. "performed" or "done", cf. Note 4 above) are classified as adjectives. (MTE v4)<br/> Slovak: The 'past participle' in Slovak is used for expressing compound active past Tense and is encoded as: Type=p(articiple), Tense=pa(s)t. (MTE v4)<br/> Slovak/Bulgarian: Vform=participle(p) corresponds to Slovak L-participle, in Bulgarian called just the participle and is used to form the past tense or the conditional. In Bulgarian, it also includes past participle (говорено) /spoken/). (Dimitrova et al. 2009)<br/> Macedonian: The passive participle is used in verbal forms with the auxiliary ima / nema (eng. to have, to have not). The verbal adjective, in case it is used out of this construction, is considered as separate lemma. (MTE v4)<br/> Romanian: The following features are pertinent to those moods which permit an adjectival use, i.e. participle and gerund. However, the adjectival use of gerund is extremely rare (o mână tremurndă - a shaking hand) and therefore gender and number apply mainly for the participle. (MTE v4)
has super-classes
adjectivec
verb formc
has sub-classes
transgressivec

participle adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ParticipleAdverb

Type="participle" (Slovene) ? Is this an "AdverbialParticiple" as in Russian ?<br/> Macedonian: Verb forms gerund and adverbial participle are taken to be separate (noun and adverb) lemmas.<br/> Resian: Adverbial participles like standard Slovene 'leže' / lying down are not attested for Resian.<br/> Romanian: The distinction proposed here considers the principal syntactic properties of the adverbs. For Romanian, the general type includes most of the pronominal adverbs (demonstrative: aici (here), indefinite: oriunde (anywhere)). As argued before for pronouns and determiners, a distinct negative value is needed for adverbs as well (nicăieri - nowhere, niciodată - never). The particle type covers those adverbs which can dislocate verbal compound forms (ex. Ea a tot cântat -- She has ever sung) or mark degrees (ex. circa (about), foarte (very), prea (too)). Such adverbs are cam, mai, prea, şi, tot, foarte etc. A useful distinction in Romanian considers the adverbs which can have predicative role, that is they can govern a subordinate sentence (ex. Fireşte că o ştiu -- Certainly I know it). Here (for uniformity within a multilingual environment), they are squeezed into the modifier class. No formal distinction is made between the interrogative adverbs and the relative ones. The "portmanteau" type of adverb was introduced to cover some few words which can be both adverbs and conjunctions (with adverbial reading more frequent). This was necessary for tagging purposes.
has super-classes
adverbc

particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Particle

Slovak: Particles form a separate part of speech category (see below) as is customary in Slovak grammars. (MTE v4)<br/> In the Slovak MTE tagset, we simplified our task enormously by resigning the classification attempts (which can be analysed ad nauseam to an arbitrary precision (Šimková, 2004)), and all the articles have the same simple tag P. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
has sub-classes
affirmative particlec, comparative particlec, general particlec, interrogative particlec, modal particlec, negative particlec, verbal particlec
is in domain of
has particle formationop

particle adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ParticleAdverb

Type="particle" (Romanian, Hungarian)<br/> Slovak: Particles form a separate part of speech category (see below) as is customary in Slovak grammars.
has super-classes
adverbc

particle formationc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ParticleFormation

Particle/Formation Formation: refers to the graphical components: simple, i.e. consisting of one word; compound, i.e. consisting of more than one word.
has super-classes
formationc
has sub-classes
compound particlec, simple particlec
is in range of
has particle formationop

partitive casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PartitiveCase

Case="partitive" (Estonian)
has super-classes
casec

passive voicec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PassiveVoice

Voice="passive"<br/> Macedonian: Two types of (adjectival) participles exist: active and passive. Active corresponds to Macedonian L-form and passive to verbal adjective, neuter gender, singular. For example, nosel is encoded as VForm=Participle, Voice=Active, nosen as VForm=participle, Voice=Passive.
has super-classes
voicec

past tensec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PastTense

Tense="past" (Ukrainian also for adjectives)
has super-classes
tensec

paucal numberc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PaucalNumber

Number="paucal" (Serbian Verb)<br/> PaucalNumber is a form used with numerals from 2 to 4 (cf. PaucalQuantifier). (Ivan A. Derzhanski, email 2010/06/16)
has super-classes
numberc

paucal quantifierc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PaucalQuantifier

Current version:
Introduced as a generalization over MTE Numeral/Class="definite234" and Numeral/Class="definite34". These features are used in Polish, Czech and Slovak, but used differently: Slovak "definite234" and Polish "definite34" are applied to numerals 2,3 and 4 (distinguished from PluralQuantifier and SingularQuantifier), whereas Czech "definite34" is applied to numerals 3 and 4 only (distingushed from PluralQuantifier, SingularQuantifier and DualQuantifier).
In many Slavic languages, numerals between 2 and 4 (and some quantifiers) involve a specific agreement patterns that is different from that of smaller and greater numbers. In Russian, for example, genitive singular is requires. These numerals and quantifiers with the same characteristics are referred to here as "paucal quantifiers". (cf. David Pesetsky, http://www.uni-leipzig.de/~jtrommer/Harvard/pesetsky.pdf)
has super-classes
numeral agreement classc
has sub-classes
numeral three or fourc, numeral two to fourc

perfective aspectc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PerfectiveAspect

Aspect="perfective" (Noun: Polish; Verb: Slavic; Adjective: Polish, Ukrainian)
has super-classes
aspectc

personc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Person

has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
first personc, second personc, third personc
is in range of
has owner personop, has personop

person of objectc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PersonOfObject

Current version:
introduced to distangle the different functions of MTE v4 Definiteness
Hungarian verbs ... [have] two conjugations: definite and indefinite.<br/> The indefinite conjugation is used: 1. With an intransitive verb 2. With an indefinite object including an indefinite pronoun object 3. With most question words as the object 4. With a relative pronoun as the object 5. With a 1st or 2nd person pronoun as the object, whether stated or unstated<br/> The definite conjugation is used: 1. With a definite object 2. With a following clause with hogy ("that") 3. With questions with melyik and hányadik ("which") as the object 4. With a 3rd person pronoun as the object, whether stated or unstated (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hungarian_grammar_(verbs)#Definite_and_indefinite_conjugations, 2010/06/18)<br/> The term `conjugation', while traditional, is confusing here: it normally refers to a paradigmatic class, not to part of a lexeme's paradigm. What Hungarian has in fact is limited marking of the person of the direct object (object agreement) in the verb, with the caveat that a 3rd person object is only marked if it is definite, a 2nd person object is only marked if the subject is 1st person singular, and a 1st person object is never marked. (Ivan A. Derzhanski, email 2010/06/18)
has super-classes
definitenessc
has sub-classes
first sg second sgc

personal pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PersonalPronoun

Pronoun/Type="personal" and Pronoun/Referent_Type="personal"
has super-classes
pronounc

pluperfect tensec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PluperfectTense

Tense="pluperfect"
has super-classes
tensec

plural numberc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PluralNumber

e.g., aktuaalseimatesse/aktuaalseim, Baltimaadel/Baltimaad, Baltimaades/Baltimaad, endilt/ise, endist/ise, esimesteks/esimene, esimestele/esimene, esimestena/esimene, esimestes/esimene (et)
has super-classes
numberc

plural quantifierc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PluralQuantifier

Current version:
Corresponds to MTE v4 Numeral/Class="definite". Renamed in accordance with SingularQuantifier, DualQuantifier and PaucalQuantifier.
Numeral/Class="definite" (Czech, Polish, Slovak)<br/> Slovak: Among the definite numbers there are four subclasses (definite1, definite2, definite34, definite) which differ in their syntactic distribution and contain the following numerals: {1}, {2,3,4}, {5,6,...}<br/> Polish: The IPIC accommodability feature for numerals with its two values "agreeing" (congr) and "governing" (rec) is presented here as the combination of the Number and the Class attribute used for Czech: definite = rec (IPIC) = governing (g) pięć, pięciu, dwóch; definite34 = congr (IPIC) = agreeing (a), Number=p dwa, dwaj, trzy, trzej, cztery. Cf. for Czech: definite2 = congr (IPIC) = agreeing (a), Number=d; definite1 = congr (IPIC) = agreeing (a), Number=a.
has super-classes
numeral agreement classc

portmanteau adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PortmanteauAdverb

Type="portmanteau" (Romanian)<br/> Romanian: The distinction proposed here considers the principal syntactic properties of the adverbs. For Romanian, the general type includes most of the pronominal adverbs (demonstrative: aici (here), indefinite: oriunde (anywhere)). As argued before for pronouns and determiners, a distinct negative value is needed for adverbs as well (nicăieri - nowhere, niciodată - never). The particle type covers those adverbs which can dislocate verbal compound forms (ex. Ea a tot cântat -- She has ever sung) or mark degrees (ex. circa (about), foarte (very), prea (too)). Such adverbs are cam, mai, prea, şi, tot, foarte etc. A useful distinction in Romanian considers the adverbs which can have predicative role, that is they can govern a subordinate sentence (ex. Fireşte că o ştiu -- Certainly I know it). Here (for uniformity within a multilingual environment), they are squeezed into the modifier class. No formal distinction is made between the interrogative adverbs and the relative ones. The "portmanteau" type of adverb was introduced to cover some few words which can be both adverbs and conjunctions (with adverbial reading more frequent). This was necessary for tagging purposes.
has super-classes
adverbc

portmanteau conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PortmanteauConjunction

Conjunction/Type="portmanteau" (Romanian)<br/> Romanian: The "portmanteau" type of conjunction applies only to the word "şi" which can be both a coordonating conjunction and an adverb. The distinctionamong these interpretations is rather tricky for the average native speaker and was a constant source of noise in automatic tagging. Therefore, for the sake of automatic processing we defined this "portmanteau" type value.
has super-classes
conjunctionc

positive degreec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PositiveDegree

English: Since many English comparatives and superlatives are formed with more/most, "positive" cannot be interpreted as "neither comparative nor superlative".<br/> Slovak: The qualificative adjectives which have no degrees of comparison have the Degree value equal to p(ositive). The adverbs which have no degrees of comparison have the Degree value equal to p(ositive) – similarly as adjectives.
has super-classes
degreec

positive subordinating conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PositiveSubordinatingConjunction

Sub_Type="positive" (Romanian, Serbian, Russian)
has super-classes
subordinating conjunctionc

possessive adjectivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PossessiveAdjective

Type="possessive"<br/> Adjective/Type="possessive" are denominal, not pronominal (Ivan A Derzhanski, email 2010/06/09)<br/> cf. "adjectival" for Bulgarian pronouns: Bulgarian has language specific Type=adjectival(a), for words like умно /cleverly, wisely, sensibly/, which are derived from adjectives. (Dimitrova et al. 2009, maybe referring to MTE 3)
has super-classes
adjectivec

possessive articlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PossessiveArticle

Type="possessive"<br/> Romanian: Although it presents only a few items, the article in Romanian has four types, unlike in most of the European languages. Beside the two recommended types: definite and indefinite which have the generally known semantic value, Romanian uses two additional types of articles, which are semantically subordinated to the definite article but which have special forms and meanings: (1) the possessive article (also called genitival article) is an element in the structure of the possessive pronoun, of the ordinal numeral (e.g. al meu (mine) and al treilea (the third)), and of the indefinite genitive forms of the nouns (e.g. capitol al cărţii (chapter of the book)). (2) the demonstrative article links a definite noun to its determinants, links a numeral or an adjective to a noun, and it is a constituent part of the relative superlative (e.g. fata cea mare (the elder girl), cel lenes, (the lazy), respectively prietenul cel mai bun (the best friend)).
has super-classes
articlec

possessive determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PossessiveDeterminer

Determiner/Type="possessive" (English, Romanian, Persian)
has super-classes
determinerc

possessive pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PossessivePronoun

Pronoun/Type="possessive" and Pronoun/Referent_Type="possessive"<br/> Macedonian: Words like moj, tvoj (eng. my, your) are considered possessive pronouns.
has super-classes
pronounc

postnominal modificationc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PostnominalModification

Determiner/Modific_Type="postnomin" (Romanian)<br/> Romanian: As mentioned in the corresponding section on Pronoun, the Modific_Type attribute is relevant for some determiners too. The prenominal determiner always precedes the noun (e.g.acest băiat - this boy), whereas the postnominal determiner appears only after the noun (e.g. băiatul acesta - this boy).
has super-classes
modification typec

postpositionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Postposition

Type="postposition"<br/> English: Postpositions are rare in English. "possessive" 's and ' might be considered postpositions, especially if the alternative is to assign them to the unique membership class (where by definition they would be unrelated).
has super-classes
adpositionc

premodifying ordinal numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PremodifyingOrdinalNumeral

Numeral/Type="ordinal2" (Persian)<br/> e.g., هجدهم/هجده نهم/نه دهم/ده (MTE v4) when an ordinal numeral acts as an adjective (Hamidreza Kobdani, email 2010/06/15)<br/> Behrang Qasemizadeh (email 2010/06/26) In Persian a number can be inflected by two different suffix to express ordinal meaning. These suffixes are "om" and "omin". they both , more or less, have the same meaning; however they are different morphosyntactically; I have discussed this with number of collegues when I were back in Iran and most of them agreed about the proposed classification for ordinal and ordinal2. Let me give you an example: "nafar" in Persian means person "yek" in Persian means one yek + om = yekom (i.e. First) yek + omin = yekomin (i.e. also First) the English phrase "first person" can be translated to Persian as follows: nafar yekom yekomin nafar As you see, ordinal1 and ordinal2 appearances in a phrase is different.<br/> => ordinal2 premodifying, ordinal(1) postmodifying
has super-classes
ordinal numeralc
prenominal modificationc

prenominal modificationc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PrenominalModification

Determiner/Modific_Type="prenomin" (Romanian)<br/> Romanian: As mentioned in the corresponding section on Pronoun, the Modific_Type attribute is relevant for some determiners too. The prenominal determiner always precedes the noun (e.g.acest băiat - this boy), whereas the postnominal determiner appears only after the noun (e.g. băiatul acesta - this boy).
has super-classes
modification typec
has sub-classes
premodifying ordinal numeralc

prepositionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Preposition

Type="preposition"
has super-classes
adpositionc

prepositional casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PrepositionalCase

Current version:
Case="prepositional" (Russian)
has super-classes
casec

present tensec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PresentTense

Current version:
Slovene "future" and "present" in VForm are equivalent to "future" and "present" in Tense.<br/> The Slovene specs has a convoluted history - there are substantial differences between V3 in V4. Version 4 was made on the basis of the JOS specifications http://nl.ijs.si/jos/josMSD-en.html which are monolingual Slovene, and the linguists preferred to see future and present as verb forms, as this is traditional in Slovene grammars. Hence this inconsistency in regard to other languages. (Tomaž Erjavec, email 2010/06/09)
Tense="present" (Ukrainian also for adjectives)
has super-classes
tensec
verb formc

pro quantifierc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ProQuantifier

Current version:
identified with ProQuantifier
Numeral/Type="pronominal" (Slovene)
has super-classes
pronounc
quantifierc
has sub-classes
demonstrative quantifierc, indefinite quantifierc, interrogative quantifierc, relative quantifierc

programc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Program

Residual/Type="program" For Slovene the Type attribute has been introduced on Residual, which distinguishes the values of "foreign", to mark a words in a strech of foreign language text, "typo", a mis-typed word, and "program", where the tokenisation program made a mistake. The second, and esp. the third value are useful for hand-annotation of corpora.
has super-classes
residualc

progressive aspectc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ProgressiveAspect

Aspect="progressive" (Noun: Polish; Verb: Slavic and Persian; Adjective: Polish, Ukrainian)
has super-classes
aspectc

pronominalc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Pronominal

Abbreviation/Syntactic_Type="pronominal" (Romanian)
has super-classes
syntactic typec

pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Pronoun

Current version:
The original MTE feature Pronoun/Referent_Type covers a subset of Pronoun classes to represent multiple inheritance. Redundant in the ontology. Referent_Type: used to distinguish reflexive personal from reflexive possessive pronouns in the Slavic languages. In Bulgarian, it also describes a subdivision on the basis of semantic features which have effect on the morpho-syntactic paradigm, e.g. quantitative: the pronoun refers to quantity, etc. (MTE v4)<br/> Ukrainian: Many pronouns can be assigned to more than one Type. The Referent_Type feature is used to show the additional feature, like possessiveness or personality. The main type is defined according to the grammatical tradition. (MTE v4)<br/> Czech: Referent_Type is used to distinguish personal reflexives (which include "se" in all its functions) from the possesive reflexives ("svůj"). (MTE v4)<br/> Slovak: Type=reflexive ecompasses all reflexive pronouns (sa, sebe, si, svoj, seba) as well as "sa" in its role as the obligatory particle of reflexive verbs. Personal and possessive reflexives are further distinguished via the Referent_Type attribute. "sa" in all its roles will be marked as the reflexive personal clitic pronoun. Referent_Type is used to distinguish personal reflexives (which include "sa" in all its functions) from the possesive reflexives ("svoj"). (MTE v4)<br/> Referent_Type is personal, possessive, attributive and quantitative in Bulgarian, but only personal and po- ssessive in Slovak – the rest of pronouns do not have this type set (Referent_Type=-), which is just a deficiency in the Slovak MTE description. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
English: "General" pronouns are those which are not personal, possessive, demonstrative or reflexive. The choice of these four categories is based on distributional facts, though at a rather high level of abstraction. They enter into anaphoric dependencies which are signalled morphosyntactically and are therefore (in principle) more amenable to automatic detection. Most general pronouns do not, although they too sometimes encode number information. (MTE v4)<br/> Definiteness on pronouns: Bulgarian has definiteness, but it is present only for the possessive and reflexive types of pronouns, and for some general pronouns. Examples include: Possessive: Мой – моя - моят /my/ Твой - твоя – твоят /your, 2 p. sing/ Негов – неговия – неговият /his/ Reflexive: Свой – своя – своят, своя – своята, свое-своето, свои - своите /his, her, its, their own/ Adverb (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
(has cliticop max 1) and (has definitenessop max 1) and (has owner genderop max 1) and (has owner numberop max 1) and (has syntactic typeop max 1)
(has caseop exactly 1) and (has numberop exactly 1)
has genderop max 1
has personop exactly 1
has sub-classes
attributive pronounc, demonstrative pronounc, determinal pronounc, emphatic pronounc, exclamative pronounc, existential therec, general pronounc, indefinite pronounc, interrogative or relative pronounc, negative pronounc, nonspecific pronounc, personal pronounc, possessive pronounc, pro quantifierc, reciprocal pronounc, reflexive pronounc
is in domain of
has pronoun formop

pronoun formc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#PronounForm

feature "Pronoun_Form" Pronoun_Form: used to encode weak and strong pronouns in Romanian.<br/> For Romanian we need an attribute (called Pronoun_Form) to make the distinction between strong and weak forms of the same pronoun. All the weak forms can be adjoined to the adjacent words both proclitically or enclitically. In such cases the junction is always graphically marked by a hyphen between the pronoun and the neighboring word. The hyphen also marks possible elisions from either pronoun or the adjacent word. Although in traditional grammar books the demonstrative, int_rel and indefinite pronouns are not characterised by person, in our dictionaries they are recorded (for reasons beyond morpho-lexical encoding) as 3rd person (the same as nouns). However, for the automatic tagging this value has been marked as irrelevant.
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
strong pronounc, weak pronounc
is in range of
has pronoun formop

proper nounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ProperNoun

Type=Proper
has super-classes
nounc

qualificative adjectivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#QualificativeAdjective

Type="qualificative"<br/> Slovak: Only qualificative (and passive participle) Adjectives can be specified for Degree.<br/> Czech: Three deverbative adjectival participles, i.e. past active participle, passive participle and present active participle are not distinguished. They are conflated in the 'qualifica- tive' value of the Type attribute (Type=f).<br/> Slovak: Adjectival active and passive participles, e.g. "stojaci" (E. "standing") or "urobený" (E. "made" or "done", cf. Note 4 above) are classified as (qualificative) adjectives. Two deverbative adjectival participles, i.e. past passive participle and present active participle are not distinguished. They are conflated in the 'qualificative' value of the Type attribute (Type=f). Past active participle is for all purposes dead in Slovak, although the form sometimes appears in metalanguage usage.<br/> Romanian: Although it is not common practice in Romanian linguistics, one could make the distinction between qualificative and determinative adjectives.
has super-classes
general adjectivec

quantifierc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Quantifier

Current version:
In many MTE schemes, the class "Numeral" is applied to cover non-numerical quantifiers, as well. The common MTE category "Numeral" thus fails to distinguish between numeral and non-numeral quantifiers and is thus to be renamed to the broader concept "Quantifier". Quantifier is identified with Numeral/Class in MTE v.4 that is also applied to non-numerical quantifiers. TODO: NumeralAgreementClass is to be distinguished from other Numeral/Class features and Numeral subconcepts and to be represented as an independent MorphosyntacticFeature. However, this requires modifications of the underlying MTE scheme.
distinguishes subtypes of Numerals in Czech which have a distinct syntactic distributions: e.g. subclasses for 1, 2, 3&4, etc. are distinguished. (MTE v4)<br/> Czech: Numerals have been specified as a separate category because of their specific syntactic distribution. We have specified two syntactic classifications by means of the attributes Type and Class; they concern different syntactic distributions. For instance "několik" (E. "several") will be characterized as: Type: cardinal Class: indefinite (MTE v4)<br/> Bulgarian has no Class attribute. Slovak has possible values according to the cardinality of the number, definite1(1) for “one”, definite2(2) for “two”, definite34(3) for “three” or “four”, definite(f) for “five or more”, demonstrative(d) (toľko/that many/), indefinite(i) (niekoľko/several/), interrogative(q)(koľko/how many/). Definite1, definite2, definite34 and definite are separated according to syntactical structures the numerals impose on the governed nouns – definite1 requires the corresponding noun to be in nominative singular, definite2 in nominative plural, definite34 nominative plural, definite genitive plural. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)<br/> Bulgarian equivalents of [Slovak] demonstrative, indefinite, interrogative are classified as pronouns of a respective Type (including relative), e.g. няколко ученика /a few students/ – indefinite pronoun + noun. or sometimes as adverbs. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
has sub-classes
numeralc, numeral agreement classc, pro quantifierc
is in range of
has quantifierop

questionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Question

Pronoun/Wh_Type="question" (English; cf. Pronoun/Type="interrogative")
has super-classes
w h typec

quotativec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Quotative

VForm="quotative" (Estonian)<br/> A quotative is grammatical device to mark reported speech in some languages (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quotative), e.g., in Estonian.<br/> ‘Reportedly, while he was going (in his boat), he turned over.’ Ta olevat oma paadiga ümber läinud He was_QUOTATIVE his_own boat_WITH over gone.<br/> (Estonian translation of an example given under http://www.sil.org/linguistics/GlossaryOfLinguisticTerms/WhatIsAQuotativeEvidential.htm) (Heiki-Jaan.Kaalep, email 2010/06/22)
has super-classes
verb formc

reciprocal pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ReciprocalPronoun

Pronoun/Type="reciprocal" (Persian, Estonian, Hungarian)
has super-classes
pronounc

reduction featurec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ReductionFeature

Current version:
In Polish, the MTE feature definiteness is used to distinguish forms with full and reduced inflections.
Polish: The IPIC flexeme winien and predicatives like rad are treated as short adjectives—Definiteness="short-art". The Vocalicity of (a)gglutinated forms like -em vs -m is mapped on the Definiteness attribute with its values "(f)ull-art" and "(s)hort-art" respectively, meaning "full form" and "short form". The terms are very artificial, but this category is used due to the similarity of the phenomenon. (MTE v4)<br/> Etymologically speaking, CliticDeterminerType and ReductionFeature are the same: the ending of the full form was originally a cliticised demonstrative pronoun (just like the article in Bg or Ro), and the semantic distinction was [+/- definite], but it has shifted to [attributive:predicative] or some such on some occasions. However, keeping them together wouldn't be correct: Bulgarian has preserved (to a limited extent) the old long form, and has a fourfold opposition of, say, _nov : novi : novija : novijat_, the first two members of which have counterparts in several Slavic languages (although the functions differ), while the second two are restricted to the Balkan sprachbund. I'd call them [-article short], [-article full], [+article short] and [+article full] respectively. (Ivan A. Derzhanski, emails 2010/06/18)<br/> [T]he suffixation of an actual pronoun to the adjective ... for the Balto-Slavic definite adjective inflection ... was used with definite nouns ... the Balto-Slavic forms show clear evidence of a well-attested IE pronoun suffixed to the adjective Thomas McFadden (2004), On the pronominal origins of the Germanic strong adjective inflection, http://ifla.uni-stuttgart.de/institut/mitarbeiter/tom/downloads/gmcadj.pdf (to appear in Münchner Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft)<br/>
has super-classes
definitenessc

reflexive pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ReflexivePronoun

Pronoun/Type="reflexive"<br/> Slovak: Type=reflexive ecompasses all reflexive pronouns (sa, sebe, si, svoj, seba) as well as "sa" in its role as the obligatory particle of reflexive verbs. Personal and possessive reflexives are further distinguished via the Referent_Type attribute. "sa" in all its roles will be marked as the reflexive personal clitic pronoun.<br/> Czech: Type=reflexive ecompasses all reflexive pronouns (ªseº, ªsebeº, ªsiº, ªsvůjº) as well as "se" in its role as the obligatory particle of reflexive verbs. Personal and possessive reflexives are further distinguished via the Referent_Type attribute. "se" in all its roles will be marked as the reflexive personal clitic pronoun.<br/> Resian: In the modern language 'swöj' / own is an adjective.
has super-classes
pronounc

relativec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Relative

Wh_Type="relative" (cf. Pronoun/Type="relative") (English)
has super-classes
w h typec

relative determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#RelativeDeterminer

has super-classes
interrogative or relative determinerc

relative pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#RelativePronoun

Pronoun/Type="relative"<br/> Bulgaran has Type=relative(r) (e.g. който), which in Slovak would be formed by two consequent pronouns (ten, ktorý). (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
interrogative or relative pronounc

relative quantifierc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#RelativeQuantifier

Current version:
"These are items meaning `how many/much', `this many/much', `several/some', `as many/much' etc. Strictly speaking, they are pronumerals (pro-quantifiers), but traditional descriptions don't recognise such a category, so they are described variously as pronouns (because they can be interrogative, demonstrative etc., as proforms other than personal or possessive ones can) or as numerals (because their syntactic distribution is that of numerals, or very close)." (Ivan A Derzhanski, email 2010/06/11)
Numeral/Class="relative" (Czech)
has super-classes
pro quantifierc

repetitive coordinating conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#RepetitiveCoordinatingConjunction

Coord_Type="repetit" (Romanian)<br/> Romanian: In Romanian, there are three kinds of conjunctions depending on their usage: as such or together with other conjunctions or adverbs: (1) simple, between conjuncts: Ion ori Maria (John or Mary); (2) repetitive, before each conjunct: fie Ion fie Maria fie... (either John or Mary or...) (3) correlative, before a conjoined phrase, it requires specific coordinators between conjuncts: atât mama cât şi tata (both mother and father).
has super-classes
coordinating conjunctionc

residualc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Residual

Slovak: Special 'adverb prepositions' 'po, na, do', encountered in expressions like 'po anglicky', 'na zeleno', 'do modra' are classified as residuals. Traditional Slovak grammars do not like to consider them separate words, but more like modifiers of a following adverb. (MTE v4)<br/> In Slovak, special 'adverb prepositions' (po, na, do), encountered in expressions like po anglicky, na zeleno, do modra are classified as residuals. Traditional Slovak grammars do not like to consider them separate words, but rather see them to be different part-of-speech, mostly an adverb (see interjections above), with a space inside. In corresponding Bulgarian expressions (e.g. на български), the residual will be classified as Sp (preposition). This is however just a difference in grammar description, not an inherent difference in the languages. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
has sub-classes
foreignc, programc, typoc

roman numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#RomanNumeral

Form="roman"
has super-classes
orthographical representation of numeralc

second personc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SecondPerson

e.g., thee/you, thou, weren't/be+not (en)
has super-classes
personc

sentence coordinating conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SentenceCoordinatingConjunction

Coord_Type="sentence" (Serbian, Russian, Hungarian)
has super-classes
coordinating conjunctionc

short articlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ShortArticle

Definiteness="short-art" (Noun: Bulgarian; Verb: Polish, Russian, Bulgarian; Adjective: : Polish, Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian; Pronoun: Polish, Bulgarian)<br/> Bulgarian: For singular masculine, there are two forms: a full article(f)[l.s.] and a short article(s)[l.s.]. The full article is used when a singular masculine form is the syntactic subject of the clause, otherwise a short one is used – a purely orthographic rule. The distinction of full vs. short is not made for feminine, neuter and plural forms, and we use just the yes(y) or no(n) to mark definiteness or respectively lack thereof. Therefore, the definiteness attribute can take overall 4 different values: indefinite(n), definitive(y), short article(s), full article(f) e.g., мъж, мъжа, мъжът /a man, the man[short], the man [full]/ (Dimitrova et al. 2009)<br/> Polish: The IPIC flexeme winien and predicatives like rad are treated as short adjectives—Definiteness="short-art". The Vocalicity of (a)gglutinated forms like -em vs -m is mapped on the Definiteness attribute with its values "(f)ull-art" and "(s)hort-art" respectively, meaning "full form" and "short form". The terms are very artificial, but this category is used due to the similarity of the phenomenon. MTE v.4<br/>
has super-classes
ambiguous definiteness featurec
clitic determiner typec or reduction featurec

simple adpositionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SimpleAdposition

Adposition/Formation="simple"
has super-classes
adposition formationc

simple conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SimpleConjunction

Formation="simple"<br/> Romanian: As with prepositions, we can distinguish two kinds of conjunctions in Romanian: (1) simple conjunctions: e.g. şi,dar,deşi etc. (2) conjunctions formed periphrastically, with some word/phrase combined by a conjunction: din moment ce, fără să, fat,ă de cum etc.
has super-classes
conjunction formationc

simple coordinating conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SimpleCoordinatingConjunction

Coord_Type="simple" (Romanian, apparently in contrast to repetitive and correlative)<br/> Romanian: In Romanian, there are three kinds of conjunctions depending on their usage: as such or together with other conjunctions or adverbs: (1) simple, between conjuncts: Ion ori Maria (John or Mary); (2) repetitive, before each conjunct: fie Ion fie Maria fie... (either John or Mary or...) (3) correlative, before a conjoined phrase, it requires specific coordinators between conjuncts: atât mama cât şi tata (both mother and father).
has super-classes
coordinating conjunctionc

simple interjectionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SimpleInterjection

Interjection/Formation="simple"
has super-classes
interjection formationc

simple particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SimpleParticle

Particle/Formation="simple"
has super-classes
particle formationc

singular numberc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SingularNumber

e.g., 1900-tól/1900, 2050-től/2050, akiét/aki, Aladárét/Aladár, amelytől/amely, amiként/ami, amitől/ami, attól/az, azét/az (hu)
has super-classes
numberc

singular quantifierc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SingularQuantifier

Current version:
Numeral/Class="definite", Numeral/Class="definite1", Numeral/Class="definite234" etc. refer to specific patterns of congruency with Slavic numerals that originate from the difference between Old Slavic singular (definite1), dual (definite2, definite234) and plural (definite).
Numeral/Class="definite1" (Czech, Slovak)<br/> Slovak: Among the definite numbers there are four subclasses (definite1, definite2, definite34, definite) which differ in their syntactic distribution and contain the following numerals: {1}, {2,3,4}, {5,6,...}
has super-classes
numeral agreement classc

sociative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SociativeCase

Case="sociative" (Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

special numeralc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SpecialNumeral

Numeral/Type="special"
has super-classes
numeralc

specifier adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SpecifierAdverb

Type="specifier" (English)
has super-classes
adverbc

strong pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#StrongPronoun

Pronoun_form="strong" (Romanian)<br/> For Romanian we need an attribute (called Pronoun_Form) to make the distinction between strong and weak forms of the same pronoun. All the weak forms can be adjoined to the adjacent words both proclitically or enclitically. In such cases the junction is always graphically marked by a hyphen between the pronoun and the neighboring word. The hyphen also marks possible elisions from either pronoun or the adjacent word. Although in traditional grammar books the demonstrative, int_rel and indefinite pronouns are not characterised by person, in our dictionaries they are recorded (for reasons beyond morpho-lexical encoding) as 3rd person (the same as nouns). However, for the automatic tagging this value has been marked as irrelevant.
has super-classes
pronoun formc

subjunctivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Subjunctive

Resian: The subjunctive is formally identical to the imperative, with one form for the three persons in the singular and the forms for the 2nd and 3rd person plural being identical.
has super-classes
verb formc

subjunctive particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SubjunctiveParticle

Particle/Type="subjunctive" (Romanian)
has super-classes
verbal particlec

sublative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SublativeCase

Case="sublative" (Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

subordinating conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SubordinatingConjunction

Type="subordinating"<br/> In Romanian, each conjunction requires another mood, so that the diversity may be controlled by subcategorisation rules. This attribute distinguishes among the positive and negative conjunctions, providing means to control verbal double negation, (as in case of the negative pronouns, determiners and adverbs): nici NU am venit, nimeni NU vorbeşte, nici_un tren N-a trecut, nicăieri N-am văzut
has super-classes
conjunctionc
has sub-classes
negative subordinating conjunctionc, positive subordinating conjunctionc

superessive casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SuperessiveCase

Case="superessive" (Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

superlative degreec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SuperlativeDegree

e.g., najžobravejšie/žobravo, najžoviálnejšej/žoviálny, najžoviálnejšia/žoviálny, najžoviálnejšie/žoviálne, najžoviálnejšie/žoviálny, najžoviálnejšieho/žoviálny, najžoviálnejšiemu/žoviálny, najžoviálnejšiu/žoviálny, najžoviálnejšom/žoviálny (sk)
has super-classes
degreec

supinec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Supine

VForm="supine" (Slovene, Estonian)<br/> Romanian: Traditionally, Romanian linguistics distinguishes between predicative and non-predicative moods. This distinction may be easily mapped into finite/non-finite dichotomy: indicative, subjunctive and imperative are finite; infinitive, participle and gerund are non-finite (only synthetic (non-compound) moods were mentioned; we use the opposition synthetic-analytic to distinguish between concatenative (synthetic) and compound (analytic) morpho-lexical phenomena). As only synthetic forms were considered, the values conditional and presumptive for the VForm attribute were left out in Romanian. Another value for VForm which was left out is the Supine. It appears mostly with a preposition, except for a few intransitive verbs when they are subordinated to the impersonal verb a trebui (must). Only the preposition allows for differentiating a supine from a participle-masculine-singular.
has super-classes
verb formc

syntactic typec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#SyntacticType

Syntactic_Type: used to distinguish the nominal and adjectival function of Pronouns in Croatian, Resian and Czech. Furthermore, in Slovene and Serbian, the adverbial function of certain Pronouns is distinguished. Also used in Abbreviations to signal the Part of Speech of the abbreviation; currently used only by Romanian and Estonian. (MTE v4)<br/> Czech: Pronouns are distinguished between having a (syntactically) nominal and (syntactically) adjectival function. All pronominal types except the demonstrative and possessive one can be nominal, and all except for the personal one can be adjectival. (MTE v4)<br/> Romanian: Syntactic_Type: useful for specifying the grammatical category of an abbreviation. Although the values for this attribute could range over the part of speech categories in the language, in Romanian most of the abbreviations falls into noun class. (MTE v4)<br/> Syntactic_Type in Slovak can be nominal(n) or adjectival(a) (e.g. ktorý, môj), which is absent in the Bulgari- an language (there are no adjectival pronouns of this type). Slovak also has several quasi-adjectival pronouns classified as Syntactic_Type=a (e.g. tvoj), equivalents of which do exist in Bulgarian as well, but due to lack of the clear distinction of adjectival paradigm it was not felt unnecessary to introduce this value in Bulgarian MTE (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
adjectivalc, adverbialc, nominalc, pronominalc, verbalc
is in range of
has syntactic typeop

temporalis casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#TemporalisCase

Case="temporalis" (Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

tensec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Tense

has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
aorist tensec, future tensec, imperfect tensec, past tensec, pluperfect tensec, present tensec
is in range of
has tenseop

terminative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#TerminativeCase

Case="terminative" (Estonian, Hungarian)
has super-classes
casec

third personc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#ThirdPerson

Romanian: Although in traditional grammar books the demonstrative, indefinite and int_rel determiners are not characterised by person, in our dictionaries they are recorded (for reasons beyond morpho-lexical encoding) as 3rd person (the same as nouns). However, for the automatic tagging this value has been marked as irrelevant.
has super-classes
personc

transgressivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Transgressive

Current version:
introduced to account for the term "gerund" if applied to non-nominal participles.
VForm="gerund" is ambiguous: with respect to Latin, in whose grammatical tradition it originates, it refers to a deverbal noun, and is needed in this function for Polish as well; in descriptions of some other languages, however, it has been used for an adverbial participle. The two meanings have nothing in common, except that the English _ing_-form can translate both. (Ivan A Derzhanski, email 2010/06/09)<br/> Identified with transgressive: Vform=transgressive(t)[l.s]. in Slovak corresponds to VForm=gerund(g) in Bulgarian – this is just a difference in description. (Dimitrova et al. 2009)<br/> There are redundant values, such as ‘transgressive’ and ‘gerund’ (values of the feature VForm of the part of speech Verb), which refer to the same category, but the former is used in the tagsets for Czech and Slovak and the latter for Bulgarian and Serbian. (Derzhanski and Kotsyba, 2009)<br/> MTE 4: VForm="transgressive" (Czech, Slovak) Czech: The term transgressive roughly corresponds to the term 'verbal participle'. Slovak: The term transgressive roughly corresponds to the term 'verbal participle'. The transgressives have present tense, and do not distinguish any other categories except for negativeness.<br/> (Note: this entails that Transgressive is-a Participle)
is equivalent to
gerund or adverbial participlec and (not (nounc))
has super-classes
gerund or adverbial participlec
participlec

transitivec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Transitive

Transitive="yes" (Persian)
has super-classes
transitivityc

transitivityc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Transitivity

feature "Transitive"
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
intransitivec, transitivec
is in range of
has transitivityop

translative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#TranslativeCase

Case="translative" (Estonian)
has super-classes
casec

typoc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Typo

Residual/Type="typo" For Slovene the Type attribute has been introduced on Residual, which distinguishes the values of "foreign", to mark a words in a strech of foreign language text, "typo", a mis-typed word, and "program", where the tokenisation program made a mistake. The second, and esp. the third value are useful for hand-annotation of corpora.
has super-classes
residualc

uniquitive determinerc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#UniquitiveDeterminer

Determiner/Type="exceptional" (Persian)<br/> i.e. تنها it is the uniquitive determiner: "the only" (Hamidreza Kobdani, email 2010/06/15)<br/>
has super-classes
determinerc

verbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Verb

e.g., budete/byť, buďte/byť, majte/mať, máte/mať, nepostačia/nestačiť, nepostačí/nestačiť, nepostačím/nestačiť, nepostačíme/nestačiť, nepostačíte/nestačiť (sk)
has super-classes
morphosyntactic categoryc
has genderop max 1
has definitenessop max 1
has personop max 1
has courtesyop max 1
has negationop max 1
has caseop max 1
has animacyop max 1
has verb formop exactly 1
has tenseop max 1
has transitivityop max 1
has numberop max 1
has humannessop max 1
has cliticop max 1
has voiceop max 1
has aspectop max 1
has sub-classes
auxiliary verbc, base verbc, copula verbc, light verbc, main verbc, modal verbc
is in domain of
has transitivityop, has verb formop

verb formc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#VerbForm

Feature "VForm" or verbs
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
conditionalc, gerundc, gerund or adverbial participlec, imperativec, impersonalc, indicativec, infinitivec, participlec, present tensec, quotativec, subjunctivec, supinec
is in range of
has verb formop

verbalc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Verbal

Abbreviation/Syntactic_Type="verbal"
has super-classes
syntactic typec

verbal adverbc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#VerbalAdverb

Type="verbal" (Serbian, Macedonian, Hungarian)<br/> Macedonian: Verbal adverbs (gerunds) like odejkji are not considered as verbal forms, but as separate adverbial non inflective lemmas
has super-classes
adverbc

verbal particlec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#VerbalParticle

Current version:
[Romanian] Particle, as a word class, modifies the verbs and carry information on verb form (negated form, infinitive form, on aspect and subjunctive present or future time) (Dan Tufis, email 2010/06/09)<br/> Accordingly regrouped under VerbalParticiple.
Type="verbal" (Bulgarian)<br/> Type=verbal(v) is used to form different type of verbal syntactical relationships, e.g. to create future tense (ще говориш), or particles like се, да – Slovak uses very different verbal syntactical structures (Dimitrova et al. 2009)
has super-classes
particlec
has sub-classes
aspect particlec, future particlec, infinitive particlec, subjunctive particlec

vocative casec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#VocativeCase

Macedonian: Two vocative forms exist with same MSD, e.g. narode / narodu (narod) are both Ncmsvn.<br/> Slovak: Slovak distinguishes 7 cases, the locative case being obligatorily prepositional. Vocative is identical with nominative, with the exception of several nouns and (substandard usage of) some proper names. Here, vocative is marked according to its syntactic role. 'ty' (E. 'you') is usually vocative. Many other pronouns can be marked as vocative because of their syntactical position, e.g. in 'môj bože' (E. 'my god'), 'môj' is vocative.
has super-classes
casec

voicec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#Voice

has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
active voicec, medial voicec, passive voicec
is in range of
has voiceop

w h typec back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#WHType

Pronoun/Wh-Type, Determiner/Wh_Type
has super-classes
morphosyntactic featurec
has sub-classes
questionc, relativec
is in range of
has w h typeop

weak pronounc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#WeakPronoun

Pronoun_Form="weak" (Romanian)<br/> For Romanian we need an attribute (called Pronoun_Form) to make the distinction between strong and weak forms of the same pronoun. All the weak forms can be adjoined to the adjacent words both proclitically or enclitically. In such cases the junction is always graphically marked by a hyphen between the pronoun and the neighboring word. The hyphen also marks possible elisions from either pronoun or the adjacent word. Although in traditional grammar books the demonstrative, int_rel and indefinite pronouns are not characterised by person, in our dictionaries they are recorded (for reasons beyond morpho-lexical encoding) as 3rd person (the same as nouns). However, for the automatic tagging this value has been marked as irrelevant.
has super-classes
pronoun formc

with clitic sc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#WithCliticS

feature Clitic_s: the 'yes' value of the Clitic_s attribute denotes Czech pronouns having the clitic morpheme 's' appended as a suffix. Czech: The 'yes' value of the Clitic_s attribute denotes a verbal form having the clitic morpheme 's' appended as a suffix. This 's' morpheme expresses 2nd Person singular present Tense of the auxiliary Verb "být" (i.e. the form "jsi"). There is no intermediate hyphen between the verbal form and the 's' morpheme. The Clitic_s attribute is specified for VForm=infinitive (VForm=n) and Vform=p(articiple) only. (MTE v.4)<br/> In Czech the 2nd person singular present tense form of the copula jsi can be cliticised as -s on certain non-finite verb forms and pronouns, and its presence is indicated by the positive value of the binary feature Clitic_s of the parts of speech Verb and Pronoun. Essentially the same phenomenon exists in Polish, but it involves four cliticised forms of the copula (1sg -m, 1pl - śmy, 2sg -ś, 2pl -ście), and they float more freely (the host can be any content word, e.g. świniaś ‘thou art a pig’, dobryś ‘thou art good’) (Derzhanski and Kotsyba 2009)<br/> Therefore modeled here as subClass of Clitic.<br/> Clitic_s="yes" (Czech)
has super-classes
element with cliticc
present tensec and second personc and singular numberc

with courtesyc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#WithCourtesy

Courtesy="yes" (Slovene/Resian, Persian)
has super-classes
courtesyc

without clitic sc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#WithoutCliticS

feature Clitic_s: the 'yes' value of the Clitic_s attribute denotes Czech pronouns having the clitic morpheme 's' appended as a suffix. Czech: The 'yes' value of the Clitic_s attribute denotes a verbal form having the clitic morpheme 's' appended as a suffix. This 's' morpheme expresses 2nd Person singular present Tense of the auxiliary Verb "být" (i.e. the form "jsi"). There is no intermediate hyphen between the verbal form and the 's' morpheme. The Clitic_s attribute is specified for VForm=infinitive (VForm=n) and Vform=p(articiple) only. (MTE v.4)<br/> In Czech the 2nd person singular present tense form of the copula jsi can be cliticised as -s on certain non-finite verb forms and pronouns, and its presence is indicated by the positive value of the binary feature Clitic_s of the parts of speech Verb and Pronoun. Essentially the same phenomenon exists in Polish, but it involves four cliticised forms of the copula (1sg -m, 1pl - śmy, 2sg -ś, 2pl -ście), and they float more freely (the host can be any content word, e.g. świniaś ‘thou art a pig’, dobryś ‘thou art good’) (Derzhanski and Kotsyba 2009)<br/> Therefore modeled here as subClass of Clitic.<br/> Clitic_s="no" (Czech)
has super-classes
element without cliticc

without courtesyc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#WithoutCourtesy

Courtesy="no" (Slovene/Resian, Persian)
has super-classes
courtesyc

words coordinating conjunctionc back to ToC or Class ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#WordsCoordinatingConjunction

Coord_Type="words" (Serbian, Russian, Hungarian)
has super-classes
coordinating conjunctionc

Object Properties

has adjective formationop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasAdjectiveFormation

has super-properties
has formationop
has domain
adjectivec
has range
adjective formationc

has adposition formationop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasAdpositionFormation

has super-properties
has formationop
has domain
adpositionc
has range
adposition formationc

has animacyop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasAnimacy

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adjectivec or articlec or nounc or numeralc or pronounc or verbc
has range
animacyc

has aspectop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasAspect

also applicable to Polish nouns, and Polish and Ukrainian adjectives
has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adjectivec or nounc or verbc
has range
aspectc

has caseop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasCase

has super-properties
has featureop
has sub-properties
has sub caseop
has domain
abbreviationc or adjectivec or adpositionc or adverbc or articlec or determinerc or nounc or numeralc or pronounc or verbc
has range
casec

has cliticop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasClitic

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adjectivec or adpositionc or adverbc or articlec or conjunctionc or determinerc or nounc or numeralc or particlec or pronounc or verbc
has range
cliticnessc

has conjunction formationop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasConjunctionFormation

has super-properties
has formationop
has domain
conjunctionc
has range
conjunction formationc

has courtesyop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasCourtesy

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
pronounc or verbc
has range
courtesyc

has definitenessop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasDefiniteness

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
abbreviationc or adjectivec or nounc or numeralc or pronounc or verbc
has range
definitenessc

has degreeop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasDegree

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adjectivec or adverbc
has range
degreec

has featureop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasFeature

has sub-properties
has animacyop, has aspectop, has caseop, has cliticop, has courtesyop, has definitenessop, has degreeop, has formationop, has genderop, has humannessop, has modification typeop, has negationop, has numberop, has numeral formop, has owned numberop, has owner genderop, has owner numberop, has owner personop, has personop, has pronoun formop, has quantifierop, has syntactic typeop, has tenseop, has transitivityop, has verb formop, has voiceop, has w h typeop
has domain
morphosyntactic categoryc
has range
morphosyntactic featurec

has formationop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasFormation

Formation: refers to the graphical components: simple, i.e. consisting of one word; compound, i.e. consisting of more than one word.
has super-properties
has featureop
has sub-properties
has adjective formationop, has adposition formationop, has conjunction formationop, has interjection formationop, has particle formationop
has range
formationc

has genderop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasGender

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
abbreviationc or adjectivec or articlec or determinerc or nounc or numeralc or pronounc or verbc
has range
genderc

has humannessop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasHumanness

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adjectivec or nounc or numeralc or pronounc or verbc
has range
humannessc

has interjection formationop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasInterjectionFormation

has super-properties
has formationop
has domain
interjectionc
has range
interjection formationc

has modification typeop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasModificationType

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
determinerc
has range
modification typec

has negationop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasNegation

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adjectivec or nounc or verbc
has range
negationc

has numberop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasNumber

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
abbreviationc or adjectivec or adverbc or articlec or conjunctionc or determinerc or nounc or numeralc or pronounc or verbc
has range
numberc

has numeral formop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasNumeralForm

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
numeralc
has range
numeral formc

has owned numberop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasOwnedNumber

feature "Owned_Number" (Pronoun and PronominalAdjectives; Hungarian Noun, Numeral) Owned_Number: in the Hungarian system, different word-forms are distinguished for nominals on the basis of so called 'anaphoric possessive' number, i.e. the number of the thing(s) possessed by the nominal in question.
has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adjectivec or nounc or numeralc or pronounc
has range
numberc

has owner genderop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasOwnerGender

Pronoun/Owner_Gender Owner_Gender: used to encode the Gender of the possessor in Pronouns and (in Romanian) Determiners.
has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
determinerc or pronounc
has range
genderc

has owner numberop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasOwnerNumber

feature "Owner_Number" (Pronoun, for Hungarian also Noun and Adjective) Owner_Number: used to specify the possessor number in Pronouns, as well as (in Romanian) in Determiners, and (in Hungarian) in Adjectives and Nouns.
has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adjectivec or determinerc or nounc or numeralc or pronounc
has range
numberc

has owner personop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasOwnerPerson

feature "Owner_Person" (Pronoun (and pronominal Adjectives), Noun: Hungarian) Owner_Person: used to specify the possessor person in in Hungarian in Adjectives and Nouns.
has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adjectivec or nounc or numeralc or pronounc
has range
personc

has particle formationop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasParticleFormation

has super-properties
has formationop
has domain
particlec
has range
particle formationc

has personop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasPerson

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adverbc or conjunctionc or determinerc or pronounc or verbc
has range
personc

has pronoun formop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasPronounForm

Pronoun/Pronoun_Form
has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
pronounc
has range
pronoun formc

has quantifierop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasQuantifier

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
numeralc
has range
quantifierc

has sub caseop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasSubCase

Current version:
Introduced to account for the case2 attribute of Russian Nouns. MTE feature "Case2" with values "partitive" and "locative" for Russian nouns.
A SubCase refers to non-standard cases, i.e., a grammatical differentiation that occurs in few inflection paradigms that is regularly expressed by a single case. Some Russian genitive nouns take the non-standard ending "-у,-ю" in genitive to express partitive meaning ("чашка горячего чаю") or in prepositive (locative) to express locative meaning ("на шкафу"). (MTE 4; Serge Sharoff)
has super-properties
has caseop
has domain
nounc
has range
casec

has syntactic typeop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasSyntacticType

Pronoun/Syntactic_Type and Abbreviation/Syntactic_Type
has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
abbreviationc or pronounc
has range
syntactic typec

has tenseop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasTense

also applied to Ukrainian Adjective
has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adjectivec or verbc
has range
tensec

has transitivityop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasTransitivity

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
verbc
has range
transitivityc

has verb formop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasVerbForm

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
verbc
has range
verb formc

has voiceop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasVoice

applied to Polish and Hungarian adjective
has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adjectivec or verbc
has range
voicec

has w h typeop back to ToC or Object Property ToC

IRI: http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#hasWHType

has super-properties
has featureop
has domain
adverbc or determinerc or pronounc
has range
w h typec

Annotation Properties

commentap back to ToC or Annotation Property ToC

IRI: http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#comment

version infoap back to ToC or Annotation Property ToC

IRI: http://www.w3.org/2002/07/owl#versionInfo

Namespace Declarations back to ToC

default namespace
http://nl.ijs.si/ME/owl/multext-east.owl#
owl
http://www.w3.org/2002/07/owl#
rdf
http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#
rdfs
http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#
xsd
http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#

This HTML document was obtained by processing the OWL ontology source code through LODE, Live OWL Documentation Environment, developed by Silvio Peroni.